A Calendar of Manuscript Material relating to Ireland, 1580–1602 #### Corpus of Electronic Texts Edition ### Background details and bibliographic information A Calendar of Manuscript Material relating to Ireland, 1580–1602 ================================================================ Author: Richard Combus ---------------------- ### File Description Daniel McCarthy (Glas) of Gleann-a-ChroimElectronic edition compiled and proof-read by Benjamin Hazard Funded by University College, Cork, via the HEA (PRTLI 4) 1. First draftExtent of text: 19,915 words#### Publication CELT: Corpus of Electronic Texts: a project of the School of History, University College Cork College Road, Cork, Ireland http://www.ucc.ie/celt (2013) Distributed by CELT online at University College, Cork, Ireland. Text ID Number: E580000-002Availability [RESTRICTED] Available with prior consent of the CELT programme for purposes of academic research and teaching only. #### Notes This electronic edition contains manuscript material from the time of the second Desmond rebellion (1579–1583) until the latter stages of the Nine Years War (1594–1603). The authors of this material are the following: Sir William Stanley, Sir Owen Hopton, Sir Richard Barclay, James Fethergill (apothecary), Sir Geoffrey Fenton, The Lords Justices, The Irish Council, Sir George Bourchier, Sir Anthony St Leger, Sir Henry Wallop, Chief Justice Sir Robert Gardener, Lord Chancellor Adam Loftus, Thomas Butler, tenth earl of Ormond, Francis Cosbie, Queen Elizabeth I, Sir Robert Cecil, James FitzGerald, fifteenth earl of Desmond, Patrick Crosby, Miler Magrath, Lord Dunsany, Richard Combus. This material was printed in the edition by Daniel McCarthy (Glas). He structured the primary source material in the main body of the text in lists and tables. The electronic edition presents the documents in their chronological sequence. #### Sources **Primary sources, including those cited by Daniel McCarthy (Glas)**2. Philip O'Sullivan Beare, Historiae Catholicae Iberniae compendium (Lisbon 1621; repr. Dublin 1850). 3. Thomas Stafford, Pacata Hibernia: or, A history of the wars in Ireland during the reign of Queen Elizabeth, especially within the province of Munster under the government of Sir George Carew, and compiled by his direction and appointment (London 1633, repr. 2 vols; Dublin 1896). 4. John O'Donovan (ed. and tr.), Annála Ríoghachta Éireann: Annals of the Kingdom of Ireland by the Four Masters (7 vols, Dublin 1848–51; repr. 1990). 5. Daniel McCarthy (Glas) (ed.), 'The 'Jorney' of the Blackwater: from the State Papers of Queen Elizabeth,' Journal of the Kilkenny and South East of Ireland Archaeological Society, ser. 2, 1/2, (1857) 256–282. 6. John O'Donovan (ed.), 'Military proclamation in the Irish language issued by Hugh O'Neill, earl of Tyrone, in 1601,' Ulster Journal of Archaeology, ser. 1, 6 (1858) 57-65. 7. John Maclean (ed.), Letters from Sir Robert Cecil to Sir George Carew (London 1864). 8. Calendar of State Papers Domestic: Elizabeth, Jan. 1598–Feb. 1601, ed. Mary Anne Everett Green (London 1869). 9. John T. Gilbert (ed.), Facsimiles of the National Manuscripts of Ireland (4 vols; Dublin 1874–84). 10. Edmund Ignatius Hogan (ed.), Description of Ireland and the state thereof as it is at this present in anno 1598 (Dublin 1878). 11. Calendar of the State Papers relating to Ireland, ed. H.C. Hamilton, E.G. Atkinson and R.P. Mahaffy (24 vols, London 1860–1912; repr. Nendeln, Liechtenstein: Kraus, 1974–79); Elizabeth, 1574–85 (London 1867); 1586–8 (London 1877); 1588-92 (London 1885); 1592–96 (London 1890); 1596–97 (London 1893); 1598–99 (London 1895); 1599–1600 (London 1899); 1600 (London 1903); 1600–01, with addenda for earlier years (London 1912); 1601–03, with addenda, 1565–1654 (London 1912). 12. Geoffrey Keating, Foras Feasa ar Éirinn, ed. Comyn and Dinneen, Irish Texts Society 4, 8–9, 15 (4 vols, London 1902–15; repr. 1987). 13. Nicholas Browne, 'Munster in A.D. 1597,' Journal of the Cork Archaeological and Historical Society, 12 (1906) 54–68. 14. Hiram Morgan (ed.), 'The 1597 ceasefire documents,' Dúiche Néill, 11 (1997) 8–33. 15. Margaret Clayton, The Council Book for the Province of Munster, c.1599–1649: British Library, Ms. Harleian 697 (Dublin 2008). **Further sources, including those cited by Daniel McCarthy (Glas)**2. Richard Cox, Hibernia Anglicana, or, the history of Ireland from the conquest thereof by the English to the present time (2 vols, London 1689–90). 3. C. P. Meehan (ed. and tr.), The Geraldines, their rise, increase and ruin. Translated from the Latin of Dominic O'Daly, O.P. (Dublin 1847). 4. Daniel McCarthy (Glas), 'Notes on Irish dress and armour in the 16th century,' Journal of the Kilkenny and South East of Ireland Arch. Soc., ser. 2, 1/2 (1857) 364–370. 5. Daniel McCarthy (Glas), 'State-craft in the 16th century, as illustrated by a series of documents from Her Majesty's State paper Office,' Journal of the Kilkenny and South East of Ireland Archaeological Society, ser. 2, 1/2 (1857) 398–420. 6. Daniel McCarthy (Glas), 'The disaster of Wicklow, 1599,' Journal of the Kilkenny and South East of Ireland Archaeological Society, ser. 2/2 (1859) 428–440. 7. Richard Sainthill, 'The Old Countess of Desmond. An inquiry: did she seek redress at the court of Queen Elizabeth as recorded in the journal of Robert Sydney, earl of Leycester and did she ever sit for her portrait?,' Proc. RIA, 7 (1857–61) 429–73. 8. Denis Murphy, 'The Sugán earl of Desmond,' Irish Monthly, 5 (1877) 275–286; 489–500. 9. William Hennessy, 'Desmond Inquisition of 1584,' Kerry Archaeological Magazine, 4 (1910) 213–26; 5 (1910) 263–79. 10. J. B. Black, The reign of Elizabeth, 1558–1603, G.N. Clark (ed.), The Oxford History of England, vol. 8 (Oxford 1936). 11. W. T. Walsh, Philip II (London 1938; repr. 1987). 12. G. A. Hayes-McCoy, 'Strategy and tactics in Irish warfare, 1593–1601,' Irish Historical Studies, 2 (1941) 255–79. 13. M. Ó Báille, 'The Buannadha: Irish professional soldiery of the sixteenth century,' Journal of the Galway Archaeological and Historical Society, 22 (1946) 49–94. 14. Seán Ó Domhnaill, 'Warfare in sixteenth-century Ireland,' Irish Historical Studies, 5 (1946) 29–54. 15. Cyril Falls, Elizabeth's Irish wars (London 1950; repr. Syracuse 1997) 257–8, 282, 285, 287–9, 320. 16. J. J. Silke, 'Spain and the invasion of Ireland, 1601–2,' Irish Historical Studies, 14 (1965) 295–312. 17. R. D. Edwards and D.B. Quinn, 'Sixteenth-century Ireland, 1485-1603,' Irish Historical Studies, 16 (1968) 15–32. 18. J. J. Silke, Kinsale: the Spanish intervention at the end of the Elizabethan wars (Liverpool 1970). 19. John Bossy, 'The Counter Reformation and the people of Catholic Ireland, 1596–1641,' in Historical Studies 8 (1971) 155-169. 20. Kenneth Nicholls, Gaelic and Gaelicised Ireland (Dublin 1972; repr. 2002). 21. Kenneth Nicholls, Land, law and society in sixteenth-century Ireland (Dublin 1976). 22. R. Dudley Edwards, Ireland in the age of the Tudors (London 1977). 23. Anthony Sheehan, 'Political grievance and national revolt: Munster in the Nine Years War,' (Unpublished M.A. thesis, University College Dublin 1981). 24. Nicholas Canny, 'The formation of the Irish mind: religion, politics, and Gaelic Irish literature, 1580–1750,' Past and Present, 95 (1982) 91–116. 25. Anthony Sheehan, 'The population of the Plantation of Munster: Quinn reconsidered', Journal of the Cork Archaeological and Historical Society, 87 (1982) 107–117 26. Henry Jefferies, 'Desmond: the early years and the career of Cormac Mac Carthy,' Journal of the Cork Archaeological and Historical Society, 88 (1983) 81–99. 27. Anthony Sheehan, 'Official reaction to native land claims in the plantation of Munster', Irish Historical Studies, 92 (1983) 297–318. 28. Steven Ellis, Tudor Ireland: crown, community and conflict of cultures, 1470–1603 (London 1985). 29. Ciaran Brady and Raymond Gillespie (eds.), Natives and newcomers: essays on the making of Irish colonial society 1534–1641 (Dublin 1986). 30. Michael MacCarthy Morrogh, The Munster Plantation: English migration to southern Ireland, 1583–1641 (Oxford 1986) 81–85. 31. Katherine Simms, From kings to warlords: the changing political structure of Gaelic Ireland in the later middle ages (Woodbridge 1987). 32. Hiram Morgan, 'Writing up early modern Ireland,' Historical Journal, 31 (1988) 701–11. 33. Hiram Morgan, 'The end of Gaelic Ulster: a thematic interpretation of events between 1534 and 1610,' Irish Historical Studies, 26/101 (1988) 8–32. 34. Michelle O'Riordan, The Gaelic mind and the collapse of the Gaelic world (Cork 1990). 35. Brendan Bradshaw, Andrew Hadfield and Willy Maley (eds.), Representing Ireland: literature and the origins of conflict, 1534–1660 (Cambridge 1993). 36. David Edwards, 'The Butler revolt of 1569,' Irish Historical Studies, 28/111 (1993) 228–55. 37. Hiram Morgan, Tyrone's rebellion: the outbreak of the Nine Years War (Woodbridge 1993). 38. Hiram Morgan, 'Hugh O'Neill and the Nine Years War in Tudor Ireland,' Historical Journal, 36/1 (1993) 21–37. 39. Kenneth Nicholls, 'The development of lordship in County Cork 1300–1600' in Patrick O'Flanagan and Cornelius Buttimer (eds.), Cork: history and society (Dublin 1993) 157–212. 40. Ciaran Brady, The chief governors: The rise and fall of reform government in Tudor Ireland, 1536–1588 (Cambridge 1994). 41. Marc Caball, 'Providence and exile in early seventeenth-century Ireland,' Irish Historical Studies, 29 (1994) 174–88. 42. Colm Lennon, Sixteenth-century Ireland: the incomplete conquest (Dublin 1994). 43. William Palmer, The problem of Ireland in Tudor foreign policy, 1485–1603 (Woodbridge 1994). 44. Brian Donovan and David Edwards (eds.), British sources for Irish history, 1485–1641: a guide to manuscripts in local, regional and specialised repositories in England, Scotland and Wales (Dublin 1997). 45. John McGurk, The Elizabethan conquest of Ireland: the 1590s crisis (Manchester 1997). 46. John Nolan, Sir John Norreys and the Elizabethan military world (Exeter 1997). 47. Hiram Morgan, 'Westward enterprise,' History Ireland, 6/1 (1998) 52–55. 48. Enrique García Hernán, Irlanda y el rey Prudente, 2 vols, (Madrid 1999–2003). 49. Hiram Morgan (ed.), Political ideology in Ireland 1541–1641 (Dublin 1999). 50. Hiram Morgan, ''Overmighty officers': the Irish lord deputyship in the early modern British state,' History Ireland, 7/4 (1999) 17–21. 51. Anne Chambers, Eleanor Countess of Desmond, c.1545–1638 (Dublin 1986, repr. 2000). 52. Paul MacCotter, 'The cantreds of Desmond,' Journal of the Cork Archaeological and Historical Society, 105 (2000) 49–68. 53. Patrick Duffy, David Edwards and Elizabeth Fitzpatrick (eds.), Gaelic Ireland, c.1250–1650: land, lordship and settlement (Dublin 2001; repr. 2004). 54. Hiram Morgan (ed.), Information, media and power through the ages: Historical Studies XXII: papers read before the 24th Irish Conference of Historians held at University College Cork, 20–22 May 1999 (Dublin 2001). 55. Hiram Morgan, 'Spanish armadas and Ireland,' in Luc François and Ann Katherine Isaacs (eds.), The Sea in European history (Pisa 2001) 219–28. 56. Patricia Palmer, Language and conquest in early-modern Ireland: English Renaissance literature and Elizabethan imperial expansion (Cambridge 2001). 57. Nicholas Canny, Making Ireland British, 1580—1650. (Oxford 2001). 58. Francis Edwards, Plots and plotters in the reign of Elizabeth I (Dublin 2002). 59. Enrique García Hernán, Óscar Recio Morales et al. (eds.), Irlanda y la monarquía hispánica: Kinsale 1601–2001. Guerra, política, exilio y religión (Madrid 2002) 137–50. 60. Óscar Recio Morales, El socorro de Irlanda en 1601 y la contribución del ejército a la integración social de los irlandeses en España (Madrid 2002). 61. Nicholas Canny, 'Writing early-modern history: Ireland, Britain, and the wider world,' The Historical Journal 46 (2003) 723–47. 62. David Edwards, The Ormond lordship in County Kilkenny, 1515–1642 (Dublin 2003). 63. Ciaran O'Scea, 'The significance and legacy of Spanish intervention in west Munster during the battle of Kinsale', in Thomas O'Connor and Mary Ann Lyons (eds.), Irish migrants in Europe after Kinsale, 1602–1820 (Dublin 2003) 32–63. 64. Raymond Gillespie, 'Planned migration to Ireland in the seventeenth century,' in Patrick Duffy and Gerard Moran (eds.), To and from Ireland: planned migration schemes c.1600—2000 (Dublin 2004) 39–56. 65. B. A. Harrison, The Tower of London prisoner book: a complete chronology of the persons known to be detained at their Majesties' pleasure, 1100–1941 (Leeds 2004). 66. Anthony McCormack, 'The social and economic consequences of the Desmond rebellion of 1579–1583,' Irish Historical Studies, 34 (2004) 1–15. 67. Enrique García Hernán, 'Philip II's forgotten Armada', in Hiram Morgan (ed.), The Battle of Kinsale (Dublin 2004) 45–58. 68. Hiram Morgan (ed.), The Battle of Kinsale (Dublin 2004). 69. Hiram Morgan, 'Missions comparable? The Lough Foyle and Kinsale landings of 1600 and 1601,' in Hiram Morgan (ed.), The Battle of Kinsale, 73–90. 70. Bernadette Cunningham and Raymond Gillespie, 'James Ussher and his Irish manuscripts,' Studia Hibernica, 33 (2004-5) 81–99. 71. Anthony McCormack, The earldom of Desmond, 1463–1583: the decline and crisis of a feudal lordship (Dublin 2005). 72. Hiram Morgan, 'Gaelic lordship and Tudor conquest: Tír Eoghain, 1541–1603,' History Ireland, 13/5 (2005) 38–43. 73. June Schlueter, 'Michael van Meer's Album Amicorum, with illustrations of London, 1614–15,' Huntington Library Quarterly, 69/2 (2006) 301–14. 74. Colin Breen, An archaeology of southwest Ireland, 1570–1670 (Dublin 2007). 75. Anthony Johnston, 'The Tower of London and the Nine Years War,' (Unpublished M.A. dissertation, Trinity College, Dublin 2007). 76. John McGurk, 'The Flight of the Earls: escape or strategic regrouping?,' History Ireland, [The Flight of the Earls] 15 (2007) 16–21. 77. Stephen Alford, Burghley: William Cecil at the court of Elizabeth I (New Haven CT 2008). 78. Benjamin Hazard, 'Gaelic political scripture in the sixteenth century: Uí Mhaoil Chonaire scribes and the Book of Art Buide Mac Murchadha Caomhánach,' in Proceedings of the Twenty-third Annual Harvard Celtic Colloquium (Cambridge MA 2008) 149–64. 79. Ruth Ahnert, 'Writing in the Tower of London during the Reformation, ca. 1530–1558', Huntington Library Quarterly, 72 (2009) 168–192. 80. Benjamin Hazard, Faith and patronage: the political career of Flaithrí Ó Maolchonaire, c.1560–1629 (Dublin 2009; repr. 2010). 81. Enrique García Hernán, Ireland and Spain in the reign of Philip II (Dublin 2009). 82. Rory Rapple, Martial power and Elizabethan political culture: military men in England and Ireland, 1558-1594 (Cambridge 2009). 83. Colin Rynne and James Lyttleton (eds.), Plantation Ireland: settlement and material culture, 1550—1700 (Dublin 2009). 84. John McGurk, 'Irish prisoners in the Tower of London: pre-requisites for plantation,' in David Finnegan, Marie-Claire Harrigan and Éamonn Ó Ciardha (eds.), The Flight of the Earls: Imeacht na nIarlaí (Derry 2010) 237–46. 85. Enrique García Hernán, 'Matériel para la Battala de Kinsale,' in Igor Pérez Tostado and Enrique García Hernán (eds.), Irlanda y el Atlántico Ibérico: movilidad, participacióon e intercambio cultural, 1580–1823. Ireland and the Iberian Atlantic: mobility, involvement and cross-cultural exchange, 1580–1823 (Valencia 2011) 69–93. 86. Christopher Maginn, William Cecil, Ireland and the Tudor state (Oxford 2012). 87. Eduardo de Mesa Gallego, 'The Irish tercios in the Spanish military revolution, 1621–1644' (Unpublished Ph.D. thesis, University College Dublin 2013). 88. Enrique García Hernán (ed.), The Battle of Kinsale, 1601–1602: study and documents (Valencia 2013). 89. Benjamin Hazard, ''Very necessarie instrumente in a compani': Irish medical personnel and Spanish military medicine, 1586–1672,' Ossory, Laois and Leinster, 5 (2012–2013) 115–145. 90. Ruth Ahnert, The rise of prison literature in the sixteenth century (Cambridge 2013). 91. Gerard O'Carroll, The earls of Desmond: The rise and fall of a Munster lordship (Tralee 2013). 92. Hiram Morgan (ed.), 'The Deputy's defence: Sir William Fitzwilliam's Apology on the outbreak of the Nine Years War,' Proc. RIA, 114C (2014) 1–34. **Editions**2. Daniel McCarthy (ed.), The Life and Letters of Florence Mac Carthy Reagh, Tanist of Carbery, Mac Carthy Mor, with some portion of 'The Histories of the Ancient Families of the South of Ireland,' compiled solely from unpublished documents in Her Majesty's State Papers Office (London & Dublin 1867). 3. Daniel McCarthy (ed.), The Life and Letters of Florence Mac Carthy Reagh, Tanist of Carbery, Mac Carthy Mor, with some portion of 'The Histories of the Ancient Families of the South of Ireland,' compiled solely from unpublished documents in Her Majesty's State Papers Office (facsimile repr. Cork: Miros Press, 1975). **The edition used in the digital edition**2. The Life and Letters of Florence Mac Carthy Reagh, Tanist of Carbery, Mac Carthy Mor, with some portion of 'The Histories of the Ancient Families of the South of Ireland,' compiled solely from unpublished documents in Her Majesty's State Papers Office.. Florence Mac Carthy Reagh and othersDaniel McCarthy (Glas) of Gleann-a-Chroim (ed), First [xii + 515 pp.] Longmans, Green, Reader, and Dyer — Hodges and SmithLondon and Dublin; (1867) ### Encoding #### Project Description CELT: Corpus of Electronic Texts #### Sampling Declaration The present text represents primary source material from the printed volume edited by Daniel McCarthy (Glas) of Gleann-a-Chroim. This material deals with the period from the second Desmond rebellion (1579–1583) until the latter stages of the Nine Years War (1594–1603). The following letters and reports relate to Sir William Stanley who, among other things, served as sheriff of Cork before fighting in Flanders; the Battle of the Yellow Ford (August 1598); and the imprisonment of James FitzGerald, fifteenth earl of Desmond. The remaining material published by McCarthy Glas relevant to Florence Mac Carthy Reagh and his extended family during his lifetime is available in a separate file at CELT, www.ucc.ie/celt/published/E600000. #### Editorial Declaration ##### Correction Text has been proof-read twice. ##### Normalization The electronic text represents the edited text. Expansions are marked ex. Editorial footnotes are included, marked note type="auth" and numbered. Page-breaks are commented out in the .xml version for consultation purposes. The titles for each document are marked head. To facilitate the consistent citation of primary sources, a regularized format is attributed to the title of each document. ##### Quotation Direct speech is not tagged. ##### Hyphenation When a hyphenated word (hard or soft) crosses a page-break, the page-break is marked after the completion of the hyphenated word. ##### Segmentation div1=the document. The page-breaks referred to at the beginning of each document are those of the printed edition. ##### Interpretation Dates are not tagged. #### Canonical References This text uses the DIV1 element to represent the Document. ### Profile Description Created: Correspondence, official reports and manuscript extracts, compiled by Sir William Stanley; Sir Owen Hopton; Sir Richard Barclay; James Fethergill, apothecary; Sir Geoffrey Fenton; The Lords Justices; The Irish Council; Sir George Bourchier; Sir Anthony St Leger; Sir Henry Wallop; Chief Justice Sir Robert Gardener; Lord Chancellor Adam Loftus; Thomas Butler, tenth earl of Ormond; Francis Cosbie; Queen Elizabeth I; Sir Robert Cecil; James FitzGerald, fifteenth earl of Desmond; Patrick Crosby; Miler Magrath; Lord Dunsany; Richard Combus. Date range: 1580–1602.#### Use of language ##### Language: [EN] The text is in English. ##### Language: [LA] Four phrases are in Latin. ##### Language: [IT] Two phrases are in Italian. ### Revision History * (2013-11-06) BF (ed.) * File parsed; header modified, XML and HTML files created. * (2013-10-04) Benjamin Hazard (ed.) * Names of each author and recipient of correspondence encoded and regularized with the addition of markup to main text content; footnotes numbered. * (2013-10-01) Benjamin Hazard (ed.) * Name of each author identified within its own element in the header; bibliography updated. * (2013-06-22) Beatrix Färber (ed.) * Minor modifications to header made; file parsed and validated. Preliminary SGML and HTML versions created. * (2013-06-13) Benjamin Hazard (ed.) * Header created. Minor corrections made to text content; further structural and content markup added. * (2013-06-07) Benjamin Hazard (ed.) * Editorial note compiled, marked-up and inserted in file. * (2013-05-30) Benjamin Hazard (ed.) * Standard title format attributed to each document for source citations. * (2013-05-13) Hiram Morgan (ed.) * Manuscript material selected for inclusion; document date ranges verified in comparison with original manuscripts. * (2013-05-11) Peter Flynn (ed.) * Conversion program updated. * (2013-02-28) Benjamin Hazard (ed.) * Structural markup and bibliographical content updated. * (2012-12-14) Benjamin Hazard (ed.) * Initial proofing started and page-breaks added. * (2012-12-08) Benjamin Hazard (ed.) * Bibliographical details compiled. * (2012-12-06) Benjamin Hazard (Data capture) * Text scanned. --- #### Corpus of Electronic Texts Edition: E580000-002 ### A Calendar of Manuscript Material relating to Ireland, 1580–1602: Author: Richard Combus ### Preface The following documents were published in 1867 by Daniel McCarthy (Glas) in Life and Letters of Florence Mac Carthy Reagh [...]. These letters and reports, collated here as a calendar of papers, are of value to the study of military history and the history of medicine. Examples include the accounts of Sir William Stanley's early career in the service of Elizabeth I; the Battle of the Yellow Ford and its impact in Whitehall; details of reinforcements and casualties sustained in armed conflict during the last quarter of the sixteenth century in Ireland; and medical records for James FitzGerald.[1](javascript:footNote('E580000-002/note001.html')) Benjamin HazardLetter of **Sir William Stanley**, 31 August 1580. -------------------------------------------------- ### [Of the Skirmish at Glenmalure][2](javascript:footNote('E580000-002/note002.html')) > > R*igh*t Hon*ourable* I rec*eived* your hon*our's* letter dated the 12th day of Aug*us*t, which maketh me confess myself still further bound unto you. I am lothe to write at this time because I have no acceptable news to write, but such as I am lothe to remember; yet duty bindeth me, so often as I have any convenient messenger, to trouble your honor with my letters. I know your honor is certified of our unhappy exploit made into the Glen the 25th day of August. I am the bolder to write the discourse thereof unto your Honor, because I knew no man can say truly he saw more of it than myself. There was of us a Colonel, four captains, and one lieutenant, appointed to go through the aforesaid Glen with half our[3](javascript:footNote('E580000-002/note003.html')) company, Mr. George More, was our and our leader; with him in the vanward was L*ieutenan*t Peter Carewe, Captain Audley, and the lieutenant of Capt*ai*n Furr's. The leading of the rearward was committed to Mr. Harry Bagnall and myself; the place was such as the enemy had all the advantage that might be; when we entered the foresaid Glen we were forced to slide sometimes 3 or 4 fedoms or we could stay or feet; it was in depth where we entered, at the least a mile full of stones, rocks and bogs, and wood; in the bottom thereof a river full of loose stones, which we were driven to cross divers times; so long as our leaders kept the bottom, the odds of the skermish was on our side; but our colonel being a corpulent man, not able to endure travail, before we were half through the glen, which was 4 miles in length, led us > > up the hill that was a long mile in height; it was so steep that we were forced to use our hands, as well to climb, as our feet, and the vanward being gone up the hill we must of necessity folloue; and the enemy charged us very hotly; divers of them had served amongst English men under the leading of Capt*ai*n Green that had served in Connaught, and was carried by one Garrett a Capt*ai*n to the rebels. It was the hottest piece of service for the time, that ever I saw in any place. I was in the rearward, and with me 28 soldiers of mine, whereof were slaine 8, and hurt 10. I had with me my drum, whom I caused to sound many alarms, which was well answered by them that was in the rearwards, which staid them from pulling us down by the heels; but I lost divers of my dear friends. They were laid along the woods as we should pass behind their rocks, crags, bogs, and in covert; yet so long as we kept the bottom I lost never a man, till we were drawn up the hill by our leader, when we could observe no orders; we could have no sight of them, but were fain only to beat the place where we saw the smoke of their pieces; but the hazard of myself, and the loss of my company was the safeguard of many others. I know and confess that it was the hand of Almighty God that preserved me: the place was so very ill that were a man never so slightly hurt he was lost; because no man was able to help him up the hill. Some died being so out of breath that they were able to go no further, being not hurt at all. Thus having troubled your honor further than willingly I would, I do here most humbly take my leave, commending myself and my service to your honor. > > > > Dublin > > > the laste of Aug*u*st, 1580. > Your Honor's most humbly to command, > > > W. STANLEY. > The names of such as were lost. > > > Sir Peter Carewe. > > > Capt*ai*n Audley and his Lieutenant. > > > Mr. Cosbie, Mr. George More. > > > George Staffard > > > My own Company. > > > Hastinges, Wise, John Shawe a nephew of Capt*ain* Rauf Salusbrie, that was born in Spain, my page, with 5 others. > > > There was not in all above 30 Englishmen slain. > > > **Sir William Stanley** to **Sir Francis Walsingham**, principal secretary to Elizabeth I, 28 September 1586. ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- There was not in the field (at the battle of Zutphen) of ours, of horse, in the whole ij c. whereof these Lords and gentlemen, with their followers, to the number of iij score at most, did all this feate, with the help onlie of Sir William Stanley, who had but 300 for their 3,000 foote, and he did most valiantlye himsealf, and his owen horsse receaued viij shott of the muskett, and yett himsealf not hurt. He and old Read are worth their weight in pearle, theie be ij of as rare captens as anie prince living hath. 'The demaundes of **Sir Owyn Hopton** Knight Lavitenannt Of Her Majesties Tower Of London, for the Diette and other chardges of Prisonn*er*s in his custodie from the Nativitie of Our Saviour Christe Laste Paste 1588 Till Thannunciac*i*on of Our Blessed Ladye The Virgyn, then nexte followinge, beeinge won quarter of a yeare, as heerafter is p*ar*ticulerly declared—25 December 1588.' ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------ James Fitz Garalde Imprimis For the Diette & other chardges of James Fitz Garrolde from ye xxvth of December MDLxxxviij till ye xxiv of March then nexte followinge beein xij weeks at xx s*hillings* the weeke for himselfe ... ... ... £xiij It*e*m For his App*ar*ell at £xxx the yeare £vij x s*hillings*. It*e*m For the dyet of his Scholemaster at £xx the yeare ... £v. It*e*m For the wadges of his Scholem*aste*r at £xiij. vj s*hillings* viij the yeare £iij. vj s*hillings*. viij. It*e*m For the wadges of my servant attending on him at £v the Yeare ... ... ... xxv s*hillings*. Somma ... ... ... £xxx. 0. xx d. **James Fitzgerald** to **Sir Robert Cecil**, Tower of London, 17 June 1593. ---------------------------------------------------------------------------- Honorable S*i*r, Let it not be offensiue, I besech you, to be troubled with the lynes of an unknowne stranger, who though yong in years, yet being old in miserye, taught therby to apprehend any meanes of favour whersoever vertue may move compassion. My hard fortune and my faultelessness I hope ar nether unknowne unto you; howe only by being born the unfortunate sone of a faulty father, I have since my infancy never breathed out of prison,—the only hellish torment to a faithfull hart tobe houlden in suspect, when it never thought upon offence,—the favour and comfort which I have alwaise receyved from my especiall good Lord yo*u*r father, hath, I verily thinke, ben the preserver of my sorowfull lyfe, which er this would els have pyned away with greef: And nowe in his Lordship's absence, I am therfore inbouldned to solicitt yo*u*r Honor, as a worthy branch of soe true, noble, and vertuous a stocke; hoping to find the same favorable inclination towerds me which his Lo*rd* hath alwaise shewed. Lett me then humbly entreat and obtaine att yo*u*r Ho*nour's* handes to further my humble request which I shall this day make unto yo*u*r honorable assembly at the Counsell table, and soe fur as it shalbe thought resonable and convenient to lett it be comended to Her Ma*jes*tie. If you shall afford me any favour heerin, soe furr as so unhappy a man shalbe able to doe you service, assure yourselfe to have made a purchase of a most faithfull and thankfull hart. Thus praying for the preservation of yor health, and daily increase of Honor, I humbly take my leave. Yo*u*r Honor's ever to com and, JAMES FITZGERALD. Frome the Towre, this xvij of June, 1593Bill sent in by **Sir Richard Barclay**, Lieutenant of the Tower, 12 June 1596. ------------------------------------------------------------------------------- ### For physick furnished by Mr. **Fethergill**, for Mr. **FitzGeralt**, the 12th daye of June, 1596. Inprimis A pourgation with Syrop of Angoustome & other iiij s*hillings*. Syrops for vij morninges ... ... ... v s*hillings*. A Bolus of Cassia and Rubarb ... ... ... ... ... v s*hillings*. A laxative powlder for ij doses ... ... ... ... ... iiij s*hillings*. A Plaister for the Backe ... ... ... ... ... v s*hillings*. A Linyment for the syde, con*fice*[4](javascript:footNote('E580000-002/note004.html')) iiij oz ... ... ... ij s*hillings*. A Quilte for the hedd ... ... ... ... ... ... ... vj s*hillings*. viij d. A coolynge Oyntmente con*fice*[5](javascript:footNote('E580000-002/note005.html'))[6](javascript:footNote('E580000-002/note006.html')) vij. oz ... ... ... ... ... xij d. A coole Julep to take at all times ... ... ... ... ... v s*hillings*. Syrop of Vyletts & limons demild ... ... ... ... ... iiij s*hillings*. A Quilte for the backe ... ... ... ... ... ... ... v s*hillings*. Laxative cinrans compounded with Rubarb iiij ld ... ... v s*hillings*. For iij Cordyall Drinkes with bezar ... ... ... ... ... iiij s*hillings*. Cinnamon water one pynt ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... v s*hillings*. Aqua coelestis one pynt ... ... ... x s*hillings*. Consurve of barberys & others iij s*hillings* iiij d. Consurve of Roses ... ... ... ... ... iiij s*hillings*. The Julep as before .. . .. . ... ... .. . ... v s*hillings*. A Compound Syrop &c ... ... ... ... ... iiij s*hillings*. Acornes & barberys for a Stitch ... ... ... ... ... vjd. A Compound Electuary to take at Morning Con*fice*[7](javascript:footNote('E580000-002/note007.html')) 7 ld ... v s*hillings*. Soundry distilled Waters with Syrop of Vyletts and limons contayninge a pottle ... ... .. . .. . v s*hillings* iiijd. Another pourgation with Rubarbe ... ... ... ... ... iiij s*hillings*. Sewger-Candye a Quarterne... ... .. . xd. Mauor Christi iiij oz... ... ... ... ... iiijs*hillings*. The Julep agayne as before ... ... ... ... ... v s*hillings*. Another Coulde oyntmente Con*fice*[8](javascript:footNote('E580000-002/note008.html')) iiij oz ... ... ... ... ... ij s*hillings*. The Cordyall drinke agayne as before ... ... ... ... ... iiij s*hillings*. Syrop of Vyletts iiij oz ... ... ... ... ... ij s*hillings*. A box of p*er*fume for theares ... ... ... ... ... vj s*hillings*. A bolus of Cassia & Rubarbe ... ... .. . ... iiij s*hillings*. An Aperitive Julep for the Lyver ... ... ... ... ... v s*hillings*. Bills for hedd and stomack for soundry tymes ... ... ... ... ... v s*hillings*. Diaphalma iiij. Drams [9](javascript:footNote('E580000-002/note009.html'))... ... ... ... ... xvj d. Syrop of Vyletts & lemons to take every morninge Con*fice*[10](javascript:footNote('E580000-002/note010.html')) viij oz ... ... ... ... ...iiij s*hillings*. Consurve of Waterlillyes, of vylets & of borax for soundry tymes contayninge Vj ouz... ... ... ... ... iiij s*hillings*. A Julep to drincke after the Consurve ... ... ... ... ... iiij s*hillings*. A fomentac*i*on for the syde ... ... ... ... ... v s*hillings*. A compound oyntmente for the same ... ... ... ... ... iiij s*hillings*. A Bathe contayninge ma*n*y ingredients ... ... ... ... ... x s*hillings*. An Aperitive to take yt all tymes ... ... ... ... ...v s*hillings*. Another box of perfume as before ... ... ... ... ... vj s*hillings*. A plaster for the Stomack...[11](javascript:footNote('E580000-002/note011.html')) A p*er*fume for the hedd...[12](javascript:footNote('E580000-002/note012.html')) A Laxative drinck for Soundry tymes...[13](javascript:footNote('E580000-002/note013.html')) An electuary to take in the mornynge...[14](javascript:footNote('E580000-002/note014.html')) A Syrop to drinck after yt...[15](javascript:footNote('E580000-002/note015.html')) Rubarb to stepe in a drinck...[16](javascript:footNote('E580000-002/note016.html')) A drinck for the Rubarbe...[17](javascript:footNote('E580000-002/note017.html')) A Glister...[18](javascript:footNote('E580000-002/note018.html')) A Fomentac*i*on for the Stomack... ... ... ... ...iiij s*hillings*. A confortable oyntmente for the Stomack ... ... ... iij s*hillings*. An Oyntment for the hedd ... ... ... ... ... ... ... iiij s*hillings*. A powder for the same ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... iij s*hillings* vj d. A lixi*s*ir for the same ... ... ... ... ... ... ij s*hillings*. An oyle for theares ... ... ... ... ... ... ij s*hillings*. A Quilte for the hedd v s*hillings*. A p*er*fume to ayer the same ... ... ... ... ... iij s*hillings*. Another Glister v s*hillings*. Aperitive Syrops for v mornynges ... .. ... ... v s*hillings*. A pourgation with Rubarbe & manna v s*hillings*. Losangis for the hedd, stomack and backe j1d ... ... x s*hillings*. A confortable powder to be taken before meate v s*hillings*. A Julep to take at all tymes... ... ... v s*hillings*. ... ... ... ... ... Summa totalis £xiiij. xvj s*hillings*. vj d. I receaved all theis things above written according unto the severall perticulars. J. FITZGERALD. William Burghley, Buckehurst. Ro*bert* Cecyll.**Sir Geoffrey Fenton** to **Cecil**, Dublin, 11 June 1598. ----------------------------------------------------------- The last truce expired the 7th of this monneth, and w*it*hin ii daies after, Tyrone made this devesion of his forces; one p*ar*te he sent before the Blackwater, w*hi*ch now he holdeth envyroned, swearing by his barbarous hand, that he will not dep*ar*te till he carry the forte; another p*ar*te he thrust into the Brenny, and at this pule assalteth the castle of the Cavan then promising not to leave the place so long as he can gett a cow out of the English Pale to feed his companies. **The Lords Justices** to the **Privy Council**, 17 June 1598. -------------------------------------------------------------- Where in the forefronte of this he we made menc*i*on of the forte of Blackwater, and how yt is blocked by the Traytor Tyrone, not mentioning then for how long tyme it was vittled, w*hi*ch is but tyll the last of this monneth at the furthest, and forasmuch neither the traytors force can be removed, nor the place releeved w*it*h vittles, but by the cuntenance of an army, yt standing so far in the mayne land, as there is no com*m*odity to succor it by water, wee doubt, that thorow these extremities, yt may receave suche disaster as wee shalbe sorry for; and yet not hable to remedy yt. **Ormond** to **Cecil**, Dublin, 18 June 1598. ---------------------------------------------- You write that you of the counsell wear sensible of my lacks; I confess hit is no small hart grefe unto me to hold the place I do, and to want the meanes whearbye I shold be inhabled to perform that I most desier against the traytors. I protest to God the state of the scurvie fort of blackwater, which can*n*ot be longe held, doth more toche my harte then all the spoyles that ever wear made by traytors on myne owne landes. This fort was always falling, and never victualed but ons (by my self) without an armye, to her Majesties exseding charges. Your most assured and loving Friend, THOMAS ORMO*N*D ET OSS*ORY***Fenton** to **Cecil**, Dublin, 7 July 1598. --------------------------------------------- Touching the Forte of Blackwater being the second place now holden for Her Ma*jes*ty in Ulster, I dowte the nexte newse I write to yo*u*r Hono*u*r thereof wilbe that that place wilbe forced by the Rebells, and either the garrison putt to the sword, or dryven to quitt the place upon suche conditions as they cann make for their owne saffety. **The Lords Justices** to the **Privy Council**, 22 July 1598. -------------------------------------------------------------- The Forte of Blackwater is yet helde w*it*h greate honour and resolution by that valyant Gent*lema*n Capten Thomas Williams, whoe comanded it; and althoughe Tyrone have lately bent his whole forces to surprize it, and have lost many men still about yt, whoe have blocked them in on all sydes of that forte, yet that worthie Captain dothe still defende himselfe and the place; and as wee understande hathe latelie by some stratagem issued forthe, and besydes killing of 2 or 3 principall men of Tyrones hath gotten divers horses and mares of theires into the forte, which as we are enformed is victualled yet for a month; and we hope that upon the Lo*rd* Leeutenants coming hither his Lo*rship* will have an honourable care for the reliefe and supplye of that servitor, and the risk of the soldiors in that forte (who have hitherto with suche honor and resolution preserved yt for Her Ma*jes*tie from the many assaltes used by the rebell to gett yt) wherein wee will assist His Lo*rdship* w*it*h or best advise and furtheraunce. **Fenton** to **Cecil**, 24 July 1598. -------------------------------------- The Forte of Blackwater holdeth out still, notw*it*hstandinge Tyrone hath lyen afore it above a moneth, and hath spent the most parte of that tyme in plashinge of passes, and digginge deepe hoales in the Rivers, the more to distresse the armye that should come to releeve yt. Cap*tai*n Tho*ma*s Williams coma*m*ndethe in the forte, hath done many worthy s*er*vices in defence of yt as well by soundly sallyes, wherein he repulsed the traytors and slew some of their best men, as by many rare stratagems by w*hi*ch he hath draiven into the forte many of their horses and garrans, w*hi*ch stande him and the garrison in good steade for foode: The Gent*lema*n deserveth great com*m*endac*i*ons, to whom if yo*u*r Hono*u*r wolde p*ro*cure a l*ett*re from the L*ord*s acknowledging his good s*er*vices yt wolde comfort him muche and give others incoragem*en*t. **The Lords Justices** to the **Privy Council**, 2 August 1598. --------------------------------------------------------------- It may please y*ou*r L*ord*s to understand that uppon consideration had of the forte of Blackwater w*hi*ch yet holdeth out as we are informed, thoughe with great extremetie, and comparinge likewise the state of Leinster endaungered in ev*e*ry pte by the rebells of the same province and ayded by forces from Tyrone, as in or laste former letter wee have written, Sir Henry Bagnall the Marshall is now to drawe into Ulster w*it*h p*ar*te of the armye consisting upon 3500 foote by polle, and about 300 horse, to revittle the Blackwater; and w*it*h an other p*ar*te of the armye I, the L*ord* Lieften*n*ant Gen*era*l w*it*h such fewe companies as remayne am to attend the p*ro*secution in Leinster. The daye appoynted for the Rendevoues for the Ulster armye is the 16th of this month; when all the companies are appoynted to assemble at Ardye, and from thence to marche to the Newrie, and so to the Blackwater; the successe and accydents of well Jorney shalbe advertised to yo*u*r l*ordship*s as they shall fall out; w*hi*ch wee pray God to p*ro*sper to Her M*ajes*ties Hon*ou*r, and the saffetie of the armye, onely we understand that Tyrone hath plashed the waies, and digged deepe holes w*i*th other trenches and fortificac*i*ons to ympeache the armye betweene Armagh and the Blackwater. **Fenton** to **Cecil**, 4 August 1598. --------------------------------------- ### [Sir Geoffrey Fenton, and the Greate Oke][19](javascript:footNote('E580000-002/note019.html')) [*...*]for the other greater matter mencioned in yo*ur* Lo*r*s l*ett*re, thoughe I know yt wilbe difficult to draw one dogg to byte of an other, and more desp*er*at to fynde an ax to stryke downe at one blowe, a greate Oke that hath growen upp in many yeres, yet I will cause the forde to be sownded, to see yf theire may be founde a passage that waie. When yo*ur* ho*nour* shall write to me of theis matters of seruice, or in any other cause that may concerne myne owne p*ar*ticuler, and that yo*u* do send those l*ett*res in the gen*er*all packett; yt may please yo*u* to endorce the direction of the packett to me, so shall I take owt myne owne l*ett*res, and delyer the rest to the L*ord* justices. [20](javascript:footNote('E580000-002/note020.html'))'The Ill Newse Out Of Ireland', 14 August 1598. ----------------------------------------------- The 12the of August thay cam from the Newry to Armaghe: The 14th of August theye sete forwardes towardes the Blackewater with 4000 footemen and 350 horses. Capt*ain* Percy and Cap*tain* Cosbey led the firste regiment of foote, being 2000; Cap*tain* Percy was hurt: Cosbey slaine; and almoste all the regimente slayne. S*i*r Henry Bagnall ledd the second regiment, being of 1000, he was shott into the hedd, slayne, and moste of the regimente. Sir Calistianes Brooke ledd the horses, being 350, was shott into the belly, and thought to be slayne. Abought 2000 footmen slayne, and | **Names** | ... | ... | | --- | --- | --- | | Cap*tain* Cosbey | Cap*tain* Banke | Cap*tain* Bourke | | Cap*tain* Evans | Cap*tain* Petty | ... | | Cap*tain* Morgan | Cap*tain* Henserve | ... | | Cap*tain* Turner | Cap*tain* Bethel | ... | | Cap*tain* Leighe | Cap*tain* Fortescu | ... | | Cap*tain* Streete | Cap*tain* Harvey | ... | | Cap*tain* Elsden | Cap*tain* Molmarey Orrely | ... | William Poule Commesarey a vollentarey, slayne Jaymes Harrington, soone to Sir Henry Hamilton Maximilaan Brooke taken or slayne, Mr Counstable a vollintarey gentelman slayne. **The Lords Justices** to the **Privy Council**, 16 August 1598. ---------------------------------------------------------------- > > It may please y*ou*r L*ordshi*ps at the L*ord* Lieftenants last being heare w*hi*ch was at the tyme of or last dispatch to y*ou*r L*ord*s of the 2d of this mouneth: uppon conferment had in counsell touching the distresse of the Blackwater, and the revitlinge thereof. The M*a*rshall beinge also present at that consultation and sent for expressly by the L*ord* Lieutenant, som of us were of opinion that the hazard were too greate to adventure so many of Her Ma*jes*ties forces as were thought requisitt to be employed in that expedic*i*on; yelding this reason amongst others, that the forte being valued at the highest wos noe way comparable to the loss, yf tharmy shold receve any disaster in the attempt; But when wee saw his Lo*rd* and the M*ar*shall stande so muche uppon the honor of the service, alledging how greatly yt concerned Her Ma*jes*tie in Hon*ou*r to have the forte releeved, we left to themselves the resolution, wishinge, by waye of advice after they had determyned yt shold be attempted, that the L*ord* Lieftenaut wold undertake the matter in p*er*son; alledging amongst many other respects, that in that case his Lo*rd* might drawe w*i*th him many of the nobilitye with their followers, w*hi*ch wold greatly strengthen the acc*i*on, and besides his p*re*sence in the field might move Tyrone, eyther for feare or for som other respectes, to give way to him, whereby the service might be p*er*formed with less daunger. And before this consultation havinge considered thorowly of the p*er*ills in this enterprize of the forte, and the difficulties to accomplishe the same, the Lo*rd* Lieutenant and o*u*rselves jointly together wroate to the M*a*rshall, lyinge then upon the borders, and w*i*th all sent our specyall l*ett*res to bee conveyed by his meanes to the Cap*tai*n of the Blackwater, advisinge him to consider ho we he might make his composic*i*on with Tyrone in tyme, to the most hon*ou*r he cold for Her Ma*jes*ty, and best saffety for himselfe and the garrison their; but the M*ar*shall stayinge these l*ett*res in his owne hands, did not send them to the forte; but brought them back agayne with himselfe, affirminge how dishonorable it wold be to hold that course; and that he knew by good intellegences that the forte was yett incase to houldout; and that he had tryed by stratagem to send some vittles into them. In our advice w*hi*ch we gave to his Lo*rd* for undertaking the service in his owne p*er*son, wee putt him in mynd that the prosecuc*i*on of Leinster might bee commiytted to som other duringe his absence: But his Lo*rdship* and the M*ar*shall agreeing afterwardes, his Lo*rd* tooke upon him the matters of Leinster, and > > > left to the M*ar*shall the action of the Blackwater; who accordingly came to Armagh the 13th of this mouneth, w*i*thout any loss, other then the takinge of Cap*t*en Ratcliff prisoner, and some 4 or 5 others cutt off in the straight betweene Dondalk and the Newry, who stragled after the armye, and did not march under the saffety thereof: and the next day, beeinge the 14th of this p*re*sente, th army dislodginge from Armagh with purposs to pass further to revittle the Blackwater, the rebells of the North havinge way-laide them there, in places to our disadvantage roase owt with their mayne forces to stopp their passage; where after a sore tryall made by the army, stryvinge to put the rebells from the advantage of theire place, our forces were repulsed with a greevouse loss, both of the M*ar*shall himselfe with sundry other p*ar*ticular Cap*tai*ns with their coollors, and also a great nomber of the souldiers; the resedue that remayned (except som of the Irish who rann to the rebells) retyred to Armagh as the next place of succor they cold gett, where they reinayne in the church there, awayting for soch comfort as men in so great a calamity may expect. These heavy newes were brought to us this day by Cap*tai*n Charles Montague who having the second place of chardge of the horsemen in the service, and beeinge appoynted by the consent of the Cap*tai*ns (as he affirmethe) to adventure thorow thenemyes countrey to come to us, hath made declaration to us of this lamentable accident in this summary manner, wh*ich* herewith we send to y*ou*r L*ord*s under his hand. A matter soe greevouse to us, in respect of soe greate a dyminuc*i*on of Her M*ajes*tys forces in so daungerous a tyme as this, and to have soe greate a p*ar*te of the armye (beeinge 1500 men, as Cap*tai*n Montague reportethe) cooped by in the church of Armagh envyroned round aboute with the rebells, as we cannot but feare fair more daungerous sequells, even to the utter hazard of the kingdome, and that owt of hand, yf God and Her Ma*jes*ty prevent them not: for we assure ourselves that upon this accident in the North the whole combination of the reste of the rebells in all p*ar*tes of the Realm will grow mightely prowde, and will not spare to take the opportunitye of the tyme, and pursue this success at Armagh to their best advantage in Leinster, Connaught, and all other places of the realm. And they know as well as ourselves that we are not hable w*i*thout p*re*sente succor owt of England to fetch off those poore distressed companies that are in Armagh, who (as Cap*tai*n Montagu reportethe) hath vittles to serve them for 8 or 9 daies, and not further; w*i*thin w*hi*ch tyme wee have no meanes to reskew them from thence by force, nor after that tyme to releeve them with vittles; w*hi*ch being a most lamentable distress to us, wee have now signified the same to the Lo*rd* Lieftenant Generall, who as we heare is at Kilkenny, praying his speedy repayre hither upon this heavy occasion. This encounter at Armagh was the 14th of this p*re*sente, and the report thereof brought to us this daye about 9 in the morninge; since when we have bin busie to send owt many dispatches into sundry p*ar*tes of the realm to prevent daungers, and contayne the people as moche as in us lyeth; and have specyally written to the Lo*rd* Lieftenant Gen*era*l to haste hether with all speed to thende to consider with him of the p*rese*nte daunger in all p*ar*tes, and howe Her Ma*jes*t*y'*s forces, that are left, wh*ich* are wholly under his chardge, may be employed to the moaste saffety of the realme, and p*re*servac*i*on of that wh*ich* remayneth. But under yo*u*r L*ord*'s honorable reformation, and in all humble dischardg of or duties, wee wislie that Her Ma*jes*ty were thorowly enformed of the daungerous estate of this realme, as well as for want of forces, by reason of this defeate as for lack of skillfull and experienced com*m*anders; and p*ar*ticulerly this desaster of Armagh having taken awaye the M*ar*shall, wh*ose* place is in Her Ma*jes*t*y'*s disposic*i*on, wee humbly wishe that som well chosen p*er*son beeing of good understanding in the warrs may be sent from > > > thence owt of hand, to supply that office, to thende that by thassistaunce of suche an officer Her Ma*jes*t*y'*s m*ar*tiall services may bee carryed in that course wh is requisitt agaynst so many prowde rebells in sondry p*ar*tes of the realm. And though the Lo*rd* Lieutenant bee now absent from hence wherebye wee cannot comunicate with him in this and other things as were meet, yett yf his Lo*rdship* were here, wee doubt not but he seeth reason to be of our opinyon that inasmuch as the distresses of this kingdom are devided into many p*ar*tes, and every p*ar*te hathe his p*ar*ticuler daunger, that that necessity presseth to have a further assistaunce in the proceedings of the warr, and a subsistinge authority to be joined with his Lo*rd* unless Her Ma*jes*tie wold be pleased to settle the whole government entyrely in one man's hands, wh*hich* for our p*ar*tes, wee wishe, for the avoydinge of many confusions, growinge in the mayne government, now that the aucthoritie is devided, w*hi*ch it is not unlyke wold be better redressed, yf the sup*erio*r authority were reduced into one man's hand, as Her Ma*jesty'*s deputy; the consideration whereof we humbly submytt to y*ou*r Lo*rd* grave advice. Onely and lastly beseechinge y*ou*r L*ordship*s with all the dutye and carefulness we can, that tyll a Deputye may come a M*a*rshall may be sent with suche other assistaunts for the warrs as yo*u*r L*ordship*s shall think requisitt, and that also a further force of men may be sent owt of hand, the certaine nomber whereof we cannot otherwaies lymitt then according the greatness of our daungers: and that such as shalbe sent may be trayned men, well weaponed, and consistinge of hable bodies, to be able to beare owt the toyles of this hard service. This choiss of a Deputye, or in the mean while some good assistaunts for the warrs, to be assigned and sent owt of hand with forces, the longer yt is deferred the more will it encrease the daungers of the realme, for that boath thennemyes will multiply, and insult, knowinge how weake wee are, as well in commanders as in men; and the subjects that yett stand will take yt for an occasion of discouragement when they see soe small means to defend them. Suche further advertisements as wee shall receave of the desaster of tharmy in the North, or of any other matter occurringe in any other p*ar*tes shall be signified to yo*u*r L*ordship*s with the beste speed we can, being most greeved that this wicked land will not yett yeld better matter to advertise to yo*u*r L*ordship*s. And so beeing greatly fearfull that Tyrone in the pryde of this success will bend some daungerous attempts against the Newry, Dondalk, Knockfergus or other frontyer places of importaunce, wee most humbly take our leve > > > In great haste at Dublin 16th August, 1598, > > > Y*ou*r L*ordship*s most humbly at commandment, > > > AD*AM LOFTUS* DUBLIN > ROB. GARDENER > ANTH*ON*Y ST LEGER > H*ENRY* WALLOP > GEFF. FENTON > Least Tyrone might use further > > > violence to those distressed companies > > > in Armagh we thought good to send a > > > Pursyvaunt to him w*i*th o*u*r l*ett*re, the copy > > > whereof wee send to yo*u*r L*ordship*s herewith, > > > having directed the Pursyvaunt to > > > learne the true state of the soldiers, > > > with other instruc*ci*ons w*hi*ch was our > > > chefe purpose in sending him to > > > Tyrone. > > > **The Lords Justices** and the **Irish Council** to **Hugh O'Neill**, earl of Tyrone, 16 August 1598. ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- > > We have taken knowledge of the late accident hapned to p*ar*te of Her Ma*jes*tes forces employed in Ulster, only for vitlinge of the Blackwater, and that many of them are retyred into Armagh, where they now remeyne: we thought good upon this occasion to sende to you on their behalfe; thoughe wee thinke that in y*ou*r owne considerac*i*on you will lett them dep*ar*te w*it*hout doinge them any further hurte: wee are to put > yo*u* in minde howe farr you may incense Her Ma*jes*ties indignac*i*on towardes you if you shall doe any further distresse to those companies, beeinge as you know in cold bludd; and on the other side howe farr you > may move Her Ma*jes*tie to know a favorable conceite of you by usinge favor to these men; and besides your auncient adversarye the M*ar*shall being now taken away wee hope you will ceasse all further revenge towardes the rest, against, whom you can ground no cause of stinge against yo*ur*self, being employed by Her Ma*jes*ty in theis Her Highness' services. Thus much we thought good to sygnifye unto you, and by waye of cawtion to admonishe you, to avoyde to p*ro*voke so mighty a Prince upon such a matter as to distresse her servitors in cold bludd.—To this ende we have sent this bearer the pursyvant, by whom wee expect yo*u*r answere. > > > > At Dublin > > > 16 August 1598AD*AM LOFTUS,* DUBLIN, CANC.Ro. GARDENER H. WALLOPP.GEO BOURCHIERGEFF FENTON > To Therle of Tyrone. > > > **The Lords Justices** to the **Privy Council**, 17 August 1598. ---------------------------------------------------------------- > > It may please y*ou*r most hon*ou*r*able* L*ord*s. Albeit we have now joined with the rest of this council in a l*ett*re to y*ou*r L*ordship*s sygnifying the most wofull and greevous accydent of the Marshall's death, and defeating of that army, yet fearinge greatlie least that blame might bee ymputed unto us w*hi*ch we have not deserved, we have made most humbly boulde in our own dischardge to troble y*ou*r L*ordship*s w*it*h these fewe lynes in private from orselves: we hope y*ou*r L*ordship*s do well remember, howe absolutelie Her most excellent Majestie hath left the managing of all the marshall affaires in this realme to th'erle of Ormond L*ord* Lieuten*n*ant G*e*n*e*r*a*l; and wee lymitted onelie to the administration of civile justice; not havinge to deale with so muche as the distribution of the treasure sent. Nevertheless, as by all former dispatches y*ou*r L*ordship*s might p*er*ceave wee have not fayled to bend our whole studie in assisting his L*ordshi*p from tyme to tyme, and at all tymes with our best advise in any of his > > > affayres concerning Her Ma*jes*t*y*'s services: And touching the victualling of the forte at Blackwater, yt is well knowen to all this table, uppon consultac*i*on had thereof, howe muche agaynst our advise and myndes the same was undertaken. We alleadged the difficulties to p*er*form yt, the chardge and exceeding troble that yt wold bee, both to the soldiers and miserable coutry, and lastlie the great p*e*ril and imynent daunger w*hi*ch yt wold bringe the whole realme into (yf yt were undertaken, and tharmy defeated) as now yt hath don. Yelding our opynion that yt were more conveuyent and far more salfe, rather to quitt that forte w*hi*ch might have bin don w*i*th good condic*i*ons, beeing of little worthe in respect of other places, and easy to be built agayne, with good convenyency, and thre or four daies stay of tharmy whensoever they should p*ro*ceed northward—and therefore to defend the Pale beeing the hart, and in a manner all that is now left of the whole body, untill Her Ma*jes*tys resolution had bin understood here for a full and throughe p*ro*secuc*i*on of these warres, w*hi*ch hetherto had byn so exceedinge chardgeable unto Her Higness. This we urdged with suche vehemencye as was offensive to som, howbeit all the reasons and p*er*swasions w*hi*ch we cold use would not drawe his L*ordshi*p and the Marshall from their intended purpose to victualle yt, w*hi*ch beeing so determyned by him who had the disposing of those causes absolutelie in his own hand, and no power in us to alter yt, we then wyshed, and urdged muche that his L*ordshi*p would himselfe undertake that service, beeing of so great ymportaunce, and then alleadged two reasons which did especiall move us so to advise his L*ordshi*p. The first was that wee knew yf his L*ordshi*p wold goe himself in p*er*son he shold bee accompanyed with the moast p*ar*te of the nobilitie, and their followers, with many other gent*leme*n voluntarie attendaunts, whereby he shold bee a farre better and greater armie then otherwise he cold sett out with the marshall: Thother was that yf yt came to that extremytie w*hi*ch now (alas!) yt hath don, wee thought the great Bebbell would have had more reverence and regard to his L*ordshi*ps p*er*son place and calling then (we were sure) he wolde have to the M*a*rshall, agaynst whom he bare a deadlie hatred. Yett his L*ordshi*p beeing either unwilling or unable to endure that troblesome jorney, answered us that himselfe could not be spared from the service in Leinster, w*hi*ch he wolde attend. And havinge so resolved, layed that other service upon the Marshall, who spedd unfortunatelie therein, to the losse of his owne lyfe, and a great p*ar*te of that Army, except the horsemen, whereof as wee understand, none perished, the distresse of the rest, now invyroned bythe Rebell at Aedmaghe, and apparent p*er*ill of this whole state. The L*ord* Lieutenant returning then to Kilkenny hathe there and thereabouts remayned ever since, as yett he dothe; the Leinster rebells beeing nevertheless exceedingly encreased, and daily burning preying and spoyling the contrye, having alredy possessed themselves of all the Queenes County called Leix, some three or four castles at the most excepted, which cannot long hold out. There they possesse the lands so dearly bought by Her Majesty and her p*re*decessors, and doe even in peaceable manner enioye the goodes, and cutt downe and gather the cornes of thauncient English gent*leme*n of that country; to the great discomfort of all our nac*i*on remayning in this wretched contry, (the lyke sturre have they already bego*tte*n in Offaly, called the King's county, and the lyke ende, in all lykelyhood, will they make there; the Rabbel of them being nowe by this disaster so encurraged and encreased as they doe even what they list w*it*hout controlm*en*t.) A greate p*ar*te of the county of Kildare they have alredy spoyled and burned, and daylie advertisem*en*t we have of there entraunce into the county of Dublin, and of their purpose, even this day, as we understand, to make heade even towardes this citie; to w*hi*ch God knoweth they may make an easie approach, yett have wee, to > > > encounter their comynge, sett out this present mornyng the nomber of six or seaven hundred of cittizens and others to ympeache their purposed approache. This (and worse than wee have saide) is the state of Leinster. For Connaght, howe muche this blowe hathe weakened yt, and strengthened the Rebbells of that Province, yo*u*r L*ord*s may conceave: and Mounster not free from infection, very lykely to brust out, and this is now the state of this poor and most miserable lande! > > > Thus muche in effect have wee in divers our former private l*ett*res foretould, and sygnified to yo*u*r L*ord*s, and this doe wee now agayne in dischardge of our most bounden duties declare to yo*u*r L*ord*s. Wee have noe meanes left in us to help o*u*rselves, and the remnant of Her Ma*jes*t*y'*s poore subiects here, onely this wee beseche Thalmighty God soe to styrr upp the hart of or gracious Soveraigne hir most sacred Ma*jes*ty as yet at leingth (and allmoste to late) she will behold or miseries w*i*th the eyes of compassion: thinke uppon a present course touching the forme of this government; and speedily undertake a Loyal and stronge p*ro*secution agaynst these vile ungratefull Rebells, otherwise shall not wee bee hable to render any other account to Her Highness then that her Realme is lost. We have in all hast by two sev*er*al messingers acquainted the Lo*rd* Lieutenant w*i*th this callamytie, desyring his speedy repayre hither, w*i*th suche forces as hee may make, and convenyentlie spare, at whose comynge wee will use all o*u*r beste meanes for the bringing off the rest of tharmy now remayning in Ulster, w*hi*ch wee thinke wilbe very weake: and so w*i*th o*u*r prayers we comende yo*u*r L*ord*s to God's most blessed p*ro*tection > > > > From Dublin > > > the xvijth of August 1598 > Yo*u*r L*ord*s most humbly at comandm*en*t > > > AD*AM LOFTUS,* DUBLIN. > RO. GARDENER > For her Ma*jes*ties Affayres > > > To the Honorable the L*aw* Lo*rds* and others > > > of hir Ma*jes*tis most Honorable Privie Councell > > > *Haste, Haste, Haste, Haste, Haste.* > > > Delivered to the sea: on Fryday at 10 of the clock > > > in the fornoone, the 18 of August > > > AD*AM LOFTUS,* DUBLIN. > > > [21](javascript:footNote('E580000-002/note021.html'))A book on the state of Ireland by **Francis Cosbie**, 20 August 1598. --------------------------------------------------------------------- After this mishapp His Honor seeing no possible means to accomplish his desier except he had been able to have had another convenient army to have landed at Loghfoyle, and soe to have sett uppon Therle Traytor on all sydes, victualled the Fort [of the Blackwater] placinge therein as Counstable a valyant gentillman named Cap*tai*n Will*ia*ms, with som CCC soldiers, and after brake up campe and retourned to the Newry, where making but small aboade, drewe towards the Cavan in Owreylies country, and there placed Sir Christopher St. Lawrence commander of certaine companies there laide in garrison, and then repayred to Dublin: and there not contynuinge long, for that he considered the proportion of victualls left with Capt*ai*n Williams at the Forte was neerehand consumed, drew thetherwards again with as much expedicon as might be; and even the same day he cam to Aramagh Tiroane's forces had beleagered the forte, and in the ende the most valyantest men in his retynewe undertooke to wynne the same; for that they had p*er*fect intelligence that the warde was not onely sick and unserviceable for the moste p*ar*te, but all their victualls consumed; and so advauncinge themselves upp upon their scaling ladders gave a most wonderfull and bould assault; contynuinge the same very long w*i*th greate resolucion, as well in their fighte, as contynuallye supplyinge of fresh men in the places of the slayne, hurte, and wyckened; and with great lyklehoode they had wonne the same at that instant if they had met with a cravynne, as they buckled w*i*th a man of worthe; for the worthie constable Capt*ai*n Williams, when he saw the enemy first approaching to him with so great a resolucion, and assured of their intente, comforted his soldiers in the best manner he might, and tould them that now it was the tyme to shew themselves as beseemed men of their places fighting in the right of their Prince and country, w*hi*ch if it were their fortunes to w*i*thstande the enemies first assaulte, their natures and cowardyse was suche that either they would recule or fight in greater feare, to his and theire advantadge; not doubting of the victory, by the help of God, wherefore hee wished them in generall, as well the whoole yt was verry few, as the sick p*er*sonnes that could stand up and but advaunce their weapons, and to do theire duties in that measure, as was fittinge for soldiers in theire case, the sight of w*hi*ch woulde be a terror to the enemy; and remembrynge lykewyse what reputacion they should get either lyvinge or dyinge like men: where on the contrary p*ar*te, no more was to be expected at thenemies hands, if they should p*re*vaile against them, and shame and infamy for ever if either they shoulde yeld their bodies as p*ri*soners, or by force to be taken by them lyke a sheepe going to the shambles, and therefore, said he, pull up your harts, for this hand of myne havinge a linstock therein, shall give fyer to this traigne, and bothe blowe youe and myself up into the skyes rather then those miscreants shall enioy this chardge of myne! Upon w*hi*ch every man that was able to stand and hould a weapon beinge anymated to doe their best, uppon those former speeches cryed out, We will dy with honor to the last man. Then the Enemy being advaunced to the top of the wall as aforesaid, and covetinge by all means to enter, were in that manner receaved by the soldiers that the ditches were filled with their dead corpses; yet stood they to it right manfully, untill they sawe that the soldiers, contrary to their expectacions, purposed to fight it out to the last man, and for to make their payment sterlinge, the two feild peeces planted in very necessarie places w*i*thin the forte, and charged w*i*th muscet shot paid them their hyer bothe cornynge, stayinge, and retournynge; and glad they were (although it is a custome among them to carrye away as many dead corpses and maymed men as they may), yet for all their cunninge they left xxxiiii behind them in the ditches, w*i*th all their ladders, and some furniture, for a witness they had come there; but I ensuer you there was a nomber slaigne and hurte that were conveyed away, and very few of the warde either slaigne or hurte. Upon the next day the Lo*rd* Deputy drewe towards the forte, and at his arryvail made an oracion to the constable and soldiers greatlie commendynge boath him and them for their good service; and after he had victualled the forte; and supplyed the same with fresh and able soldiers, he stayed there not long.[22](javascript:footNote('E580000-002/note022.html')) And now to drawe an ende of this my raw intelligence,' writes Francis Cosbie, 'Cap*tai*n Williams, before rehearsed, lying longe in that unhappye forte w*it*hout any reliefe but suche garrons and horses as he by pollicy could attayne unto for the suffycinge of himselfe and hungry ward, acquainted the estate with this their woeful misery; who, havinge as well regarde of theire distresses, as the saffety of that great bulwarke, sent for the Lo*rd* Lieften*n*ant-Gen*era*l to Dublin; where, after debating what course was best to be held, in the ende concluded that Sir Henry Bagnall should have the general command of this expedic*i*on. **Ormond** to **Cecil**, 24 August 1598. ---------------------------------------- > > S*i*r—Although I know the jointe l*ett*res written to the L*ord*s there from th L*ord*s Justices myself and the Councell here, of the late accident happened to the Marshall in the north will com to your hands: yett the losse of our syde being since delyvered to me by several men, as appeareth in the enclosed notes, I thought fytt to sende the same to you; whereby yt appeareth that our losse, God be thanked, is not all so greate in the slaughter of the men as was first reported; though to greate and shamefull as yt is! Our newe men sente over for supplies never offered to fight; but, as their leaders saye, ranne awaye most cowardlie: castinge from them their armour and weapon, as sone as the rebells chardged them. I finde by examyninge this matter that wante of goode direction was > > > the cause of their overthrowe; for the armye were putt to sixe bodies, and marched so far asonder as thone of them could not come in tyme to seconde nor help thother; whereof I warned the Marshall to take speciall care, before he went hence. In the middest of this feight there were 2 or 3 barralls of powder putt a fyre in the Battayll, which blewe upp and hurte divers of our men; wherew*i*th the traitors were encoraged, and our men dismayed. Hit is very necessarie, uppon the sendinge over of forces, to sende trayned men that have seene som service, consideringe that they conte to be presently ymployed, and can have no longe tyme to be dysciplined here. Fewe or none of the newe supplies brought backe their armes; soe as the proportion of munition to be sent hether hath nede to bee the greater. I wish the leaders of those that shall come were men of experience in service, whereof I doubt not you will have that consideration that is fytt. And so for this tyme I committ you to God's blessed protection. > > > Your veray loving > > > And assured Frend, > > > THOMAS ORMO*N*D ET OSS*ORY* > > From Dublin > > > the 24th of August, 1598. > I do sende you here enclosed the copie of a l*ett*re w*hi*ch pre*sen*telie I receaved from the constable of Her Majesty's house of Dongarvan. > > > **The Lords Justices** to the **Privy Council**, 4 September 1598. ------------------------------------------------------------------ It maye be that some dislyke may growe uppon a l*ett*re wee thought to send to Tirone uppon the first reporte of the accident at Armagh. And though at that tyme wee had som reason to hould that course, yett uppon better deliberac*i*on *wee revoked the letter* and wold not suffer yt to bee sent; having this device at the first that the letter shold bee but a coollor to send to see the state of the companies w*i*th direccion that yf there were anie possibilitie to fetch off those companies, the letter shold not be delivered; which was accordingly p*er*formed, and wee have at this p*re*sente the l*ett*re in our handes, which is true upon our creditt AD*AM LOFTUS,* DUBLIN. RO. GARDENER H. WALLOP. ANTHY ST LEGER. GEFF. FENTON.**Queen Elizabeth** to **The Lords Justices**, 12 September 1598. ----------------------------------------------------------------- Wherein[23](javascript:footNote('E580000-002/note023.html')) we knowe that you and our cousin of Ormond, our Lieutenant, will find great ease in every way. It beeing neither fitt nor possible that you shold spend your bodye in all services at all tymes, and yet we must pleynely tell you that we did much mislike (seeing this late acco*i*on were undertaken) that you did not above all other things attend yt; therebye to have directed and countenanced the same; for yt were strange to us when allmost the whole force of our kingdome were drawn to hedd, and a mayne blow like to be stroken for our honor, agaynst the cappytall rebell, that youe whose person wold have better daunted the Traytor, and would have carryed with yt another manner of reputac*i*on, and strengthe of the nobilitie of the kingdome shold employ yourself in an acc*i*on of less importance and leave this to soe meane a commander. Wherein[24](javascript:footNote('E580000-002/note024.html')) we may not passe over this fowle error to our dishonor, when you of our counsell framed *such a letter to the traytor after your defeate, as never were read the lyke either in forme or substance for baseness! beeing such as we persuade our self yf you shall peruse yt agayne when you are yourselves that you will be ashamed of your own absurdities, and gryeved that any feare or rayslmess shold ever make you auditors of an acc*i*on so much to your Soveraigns dishonor and to the increasing of the traytors insolency.* For other things past wee have well observed, That all y*ou*r Jyourneys and attemptes uppon the northe have had theise successes that not only our armyes have come backe w*i*th losse or doeing nothing, but in their absence other parts of our kingedome have ben left to be spoyled and wasted by the rebells; and thoughe the unyversallytie of the Rebellion may be used as a reason of the mischiefe, yet it is almost a miracle that w*it*th the charges of an armye of eight or nine thousand men the provynciall rebells of Leinster and Wexeforde and other places should not be mastered. POSTSCR*IPT*: Synce the wryting of this l*ett*re we have understoode that y*ou*r l*ett*re w*hi*ch wee heard from yo*u* was sent to the Traytor by y*o*u hath synce ben stayed by accident, whereof for our owne honor wee are very gladd, thoughe for y*ou*rselves the former purpose still deserves the same imputac*i*on. At Greenwich the 12th of Sept*em*bre 1598. **Ormond** to **Cecil**, 15 September 1598. ------------------------------------------- > > The L*ord*s Justices might have written more advisedly then to say th hole army was overthrowne; truely hit might have be*e*n so, yf God had not letted hit; for there disorder was suche as the lyke hathe not bene amonge men of anye understanding, deviding tharmye into six bodies, marchinge so farr asonder as one of them could not second nor help thother till those in the vangard wear overthrowen. Suer the devill bewiched them! that none of them did prevent this grose error. Sir, for that I understand the L*ord*s Justices wrote over to you after this disaster that hit was not there act to send the Marshall, but that it was a plott sett downe betweene him and me, I have thoght goode for profe of the contrary, to send you the inclosed notes which I pray you to make knowen to Her Majestye in my discharge; being lothe to troble you farther at this tyme I committ your guiding to God. > > > > From Ratothe > > the 15 of Septe*m*ber, 1598. > Your fast assured loving frend, > > > THOMAS ORMO*N*D ET OSS*ORY* > The bearer was with the Marshall when > > > he was slayne, who can tell you how > > > ill owr companies were placed, not > > > beeing able to com to help one another > > > I pray you afford him your honourable favor. > > > 'A Conjectural Estimate of Her Ma*jes*t*y'*s Armie in Ireland', 20 September 1598. ---------------------------------------------------------------------------------- In the end of April last the Armye in Ireland was certified to be in the heads—[25](javascript:footNote('E580000-002/note025.html')) | *Particulars* | *Army numbers* | *Combined force* | *Total* | | --- | --- | --- | --- | | Of English | 2,319 | ... | ... | | Of Palesmen | 1,785 | ... | ... | | Meere Irish | 2,478 | ... | ... | | In July last there were sent out | 2,000 | ... | ... | | which considering the dead pays and the deficiencies may be accounted | ... | 1,700 | ... | | More sent in August with Sir Samuel Bagnal, accounted 2,000, which in head may be | ... | 1,800 | ... | | ... | ... | ... | 10,082 | | At this time 100 horse were sent. | ... | ... | ... | | Wherof by estimate there might be lost at the defeat of the Marshal, and Runaway | ... | 1,300 | ... | | And so remain about | ... | ... | 8,782 | How many of them English, or Irish, is uncertain: if all English, then so many the fewer remaining. Of those, English by estimate 5,319. Pale men, and Meer Irish 3,263. It is to be remembered that since the certificate sent in, the end of April, many are like to be decayed, which will abate their total. In April aforesaid there were certified to be of Horse in Bands. | *Particulars* | *Horse* | *Combined force* | *Total* | | --- | --- | --- | --- | | viz., Of English | 100 | ... | ... | | Pale men | 292 | ... | ... | | Mere Irish | 129 | ... | ... | | ... | ... | 521 | ... | | And sent with Sir Samuel Bagnall | 100 | ... | ... | | And with Sir Richard Bingham | 50 | ... | ... | | ... | ... | ... | 671 | Whereof English, 250. Memorandum by **Sir Robert Cecil**, 1600. ----------------------------------------- ### A note of ye somes that have ben delyvered by me to the E*ARL* OF DESMONDS use. One £C. to Mr. Lieftenant when he was first dyscharged out of ye Tower, whereuppon himselfe and his followers lyved at Dr. Nowel's. One other £C. delyvered to himselfe in ye presence of Cap*tai*n Pryce at my house at ye Savoy for ye provyding of armor and apparell and necessaries for the sending away his nurse and syster. Ten pounds delyvered him at ye Court. One C. and iiijxxli delyvered to Cap*t*en Pryce for his charges. For his charges into Ireland. Twentye Pounds dely*ivere*d to Moryce Shehan for his use. Ten pounds to ye B*isho*p of Cashell. Thirty pounds to John Pore. **Cecil** to **Carew**, 24 September 1600. ------------------------------------------ Nowe is the hour come that you shall receave the p*er*son of the Earle of Desmond, soe called here by courtesye alredie, and soe resolued by hir Ma*jes*tie to bee, as maie appeare by the pattent you receave; onlye this is the dyfference, that her Ma*jes*tie will see som imprest of other mens promises before she geve him plenary satisfacc*i*on; wherein I p*ro*teste unto you noe one thinge hathe made hir more to sticke then the doubt w*hi*ch she hath that there wilbe noethinge don for him worthie of soe greate a favour. For the matter I must owne and speake to you my opinyon, yt you and I have made a greate aduenture to presse and importune for a thinge soe subiect to ill successe, in a tyme wnen most thinges are iudged by effect, and shall especially be applyed untoe us; because the mallice of som, and the ignoraunce of others have taught them this odd sentense to hinder any thinge (they wold not have, or understand not,) by saying, 'Yea butt he maie proove a rebell hearafter.' I praie you thearfor when you have him, take this counsayl of me; whensoever you fynd any cause toe doubt him, never feare toe laie holde of him; for therin we will never blame you, butt we will take yt for a thinge that was necessarie, quoniam ipse dixit. ROBT CECYLL.**Cecil** to **Carew**, 28 September 1600. ------------------------------------------ You must knowe that notwithstandinge all the poore credytt I had I cold not disswade hir Ma*jes*tie from deferrynge to signe Desmonds pattent, allthough I did laye before hir howe infinit advauntage and oportunitie wold be loste; but yt pleased hir to be stille fyxed that she wold see somthinge effected before she did absolutelie geve him the title; still layinge before me what a scorne she shold receave yf he shold effect nothinge; and then Tyrone might laughe att her doble, as he hath don alredy att the cominge in of Sir Arthur O'Neil, whome he called 'Queen Elizabeth's Earle that cannot comaund a hundred kern.' ROBT CECYLL.**Cecil** to **Carew**, 1 October 1600. --------------------------------------- [*...*]I thinke Castlemang wold be a veray acceptable pleasure to the Queen, and an argument that myght be used to the world that the Queen getts somthinge by him good for herselfe, as well as for him. As for his expenses lett him knowe he must lyve frugallye, and within £500 yerlye, till hee bee seated, and lands given him. He maie alsoe be tolde that he shall com over when he hathe don anie good, and marrye in England, whither yt seems he longs to retorne; and I assuer you in my opynion, he will never muche lyke an Irish lyfe, for he is tender and sicklye; but tyme will she we. I praie you S*i*r remember good pleadges uppon the White Knight whylst thinges are prosperyinge well; for yt is saide you wilbe cosened bye him at laste. You cannot please the Queen better then that som of the principal knaves of name be hanged—It is said that Cahir can delyver Dr. Craghe when he list: It wear well tryed to impress yt uppon him, not as the doer, but under hand; for he can doe yt with a wett finger, and it will make him irreconsylable. Lett Dermod's wyfe have som maintenance, and contente the Archbishop with good wordes; for he doeth speake veray well of you, whatsoever he thinkes, and in this matter of Desmond maiebe suerly trusted—God send yt well! and som act to p*ur*pose to followe, that maie visiblye stopp the mouths of thoes that here laughe att yt as our plott—I shall never ende but that my sleep surpriseth me, and therefor beare with this raphsodye. At Courte 1 Oct*ober* 1600. Your's al Solito ROBT CECYLL.[26](javascript:footNote('E580000-002/note026.html'))**Cecil** to the **earl of Desmond**, 1600. ------------------------------------------- 1. Touchinge his dysposinge in marriage. 2. Touchinge his servantes and retinewe. 3. That he contayne himself moderate in matters of Religion &c. 4. That he at his first cominge do fashion himselfe in some convenient measure agreeable to the Irish nacion. 5. Several cawtyons for the frugall managinge of his estate. 6. Particuler admonitions tohold himselfe humble, gratefull and loyall towardes her Ma*jes*tie. 7. Priuate instruc*io*ns for his present and future course of lyfe in generall, and in p*ar*ticuler for his correspondence, and his dependencye here, and in Ireland. **Desmond** to **Cecil**, **Moyallo**, 21 October 1600. ------------------------------------------------------- My pen not daring to presume to approach the piercing and resplendent Ma*jes*ty of my souueraynes eyes, I have imboldned my self to commend my humblest service and affection by you, under her royall person my best frend, to whome Right Honorable I am not to fill paper w*i*th those blandishments of ceremonies that I know is continwally sounded in the eares of such as y*ou*r Honor is, but onely beseech you to moue her Ma*jes*ty to looke into her selfe and foorthe of that to behold me, and then I doubt not, as she shall finde, that she hath doon much, so gathering all circumstances, and examining all objections, I am tied not to performe a little; and howsoeuer my performance of seruices may be great in common opinion, yet for myne owne parte, I shall hold them far short of that infinite obligation w*hi*ch I owe, and therefore w*i*th the still layinge of the ernest of my vowes and thankfulnesses, lett me advertise you of my progress since my departure from you. Uppon Mondaye the 13th of October wee sett sayle from Shirehampton for Corke, where wee, having so fair a passage as the honest gentleman this bearer can tell you, the Master and Saylers saied they neuer for this tyme of the yeare knew the lyke; wee held our course for the place appointed by your honors instructions; but I, that was so sea sicke as wildest I liue shall neuer loue that element, being two dayes and a night at sea, besought them to lande me any where; so being not able to reach Corke, a tuesday at night beeing the 14th of this month wee fell in at Yoghal, where, that y*ou*r honor may know the trueth of my proceedings, I had like, comming new of the sea, and therefore somewhat weake, to be overthrowen with the kisses of old Calleaks, and was receiued with that ioy of the poore people as dyd well shew they ioyed in the exceeding mercy hir Sacred Ma*jes*ty shewed towards me. From thence we went to Mr. John Fitz Edmonds house at Clone, where wee had a great deale of cheere, after the coutrey fashion, and shew of wellcome, from thence to Corke (where I humbly beseech your Honor to take notice of this I write) for that Towne, as Cap*t*en Price can wittnes, Coming thether three or fower howers before night, wee could not gett lodging in a long tyme, neither place to send my cooke to provide supper for us, untyll I was fayne (except I would goe supperless to bedd) to bidd my self to the Mayors house, a lawer, one Meagh, who if he haue no better insight in Littleton then in other observations of his place for hir Ma*jes*ties seruice, maye be well called Lack Law, for it was much a doe that wee gott any thing for money, but that most of my people lay without lodging, and Cap*t*en Price had the hoggs for his neighbours. From that towne, w*hi*ch hath so great a charter, and I feare me so littell honesty, I cam to My Lord President to Moyallo, where by some of my well-willers I am put in very good hope that with My Lord President's fauour, and the helpe of her Ma*jes*ties forces I shall gett Castellmayne, w*hi*ch if it so happen shalbe the ioy of my next advertisement. The people came many unto me uppon my landing, as the Lord of the Decis, and many else of the best quality, whome I tooke hand ouer head, and preached to them hir Highnes' clemencie towards one, of w*hi*ch there could be no truer exemple then my selfe—and besought them if they bare me any affection, to ioyne with me in shewing their thankfullnes w*i*th myne to do her Highness service, w*hi*ch they haue promised faythfully w*i*th their mouths, and I pray God tobe truely settled in their hearts; and my selfe harteles when I think the contrarie. Thus y*ou*r Honor hath heard the discourse of this my hitherto travayles, crauing, according to my deserving, the continuance of your fauour w*hi*ch hath brought me to the height of that w*hi*ch now I am. My best frend, next y*ou*r Honor and my Lord President, the Lord Archbishop of Cashell[27](javascript:footNote('E580000-002/note027.html')) putteth me in very great hope, that wee shall shortly performe our greatest taske, I meane the killing, or taking of James McThomas, w*hi*ch once accomplished, and therein the warrs in this province ended, I shalbe very glad to attend upon your Honor, untyll w*hi*ch tyme I shall not be my self,—And for Mr Crosby I do find such good in his counsayle and readynes to advance her Highnes' employements, that I hold my selfe, amongst a number of bonds, so tied to y*ou*r Honor for sending him with me, as I do assure my selfe all our businesses will succeede the better for his company. And so beeing all in very good health, I take my leaue. Yo*u*r Hono*u*r's in unfayned Seruiccable affection DESMOND. Moyallo ye 21th of October 1600.**Patrick Crosby** to **Cecil**, 21 October 1600. ------------------------------------------------- It may please Yo*u*r Ho*nou*r, on Monday the xiij of this instant thEarle of Desmond w*i*th his retynue, and attendants were embarked at Bristoll; and arrived at Youghall the next day aboute vij of the clock at night. At whose entrey into the town there was so great and wonderfull allaccryty, and reioicyng of the people both men, women, and children, and so mightie crying and pressing about him, as there was not onlie muche a doe to folloue him, but also a great nomber ou*er*throwne, and ou*er*run in the streates in striving who should com first, unto him; the like wherof I neu*er* hearde or sawe before, nor woulde think it coulde eu*er* be, except it were aboute or Prince. Indeed I haue often read that upon thellecc*i*on of a kinge the people gen*era*llie he woulde crie Kinge H, King H, or otherwise, according to his name, so likewise (though unmeete to be don to a subiect) the harts of the people: Ye the very infants, hearing but this Desmond named, coulde not contayne them selves from shewing thaffecc*i*on they beare to his house. I assure yo*u*r Ho*nou*r it was not like the crie made to Rich*ard* the third at Baynardes Castle. The next daie there came flocking unto him from all p*ar*ts of the contrey L*ord*s Gent*lemen* and com*m*ons both to congratulat his com*m*yng, and to offer their service, and attended him that night to Clone, Mr. Fitz Edmonde's house. The next daie to Cork, and so on Thursday to Mallow, to my Lo*rd* President, where he was entertayned, and a certen course taken for his estate, and whither all intelligences doe com, and the people doe resorte from all places. The twoe plotts both for Castlemange and th usurping Eale are nowe in hand, and w*i*thin theis twoe daies a jorney wilbe undertaken to see what good may be don both in them, and in other things; I hope, and I doubte not, but all will doe well, and that very shortlie untill the profe wrought may be had, My Lo*rd* President will not suffer me to dep*ar*te, but must attend the successe of his jorney. I knowe yo*u*r Ho*nou*r will looke to here of the yonge Earle's carriadg since his depture thence (my self being still w*i*th him) wherein I must say (as I love to tell yo*u*r Ho*nou*r truth) that of his owne nature and disposition he is both honest, faithfull, and dutifull, and very willing to doe her Ma*jes*te service; but I see so muche alreadie touching thexpences, and other things as I doe not think fitt that either him self, or any of his owne people shoulde holde the raynes of his bridle; but the same to be comytted to others, of whom there hath bene had good triall, both of their fidelitie to the state, their knowledg of the countrey, and sufficiencie to p*er*forme the acte, whose vigillant care and circu*m*speccion ou*er* him wilbe suche, as they will not onlie not suffer him to run any other then an even course (whereunto I must sweare him self is very well inclyned) nor p*er*mitt any badd resorte unto him, that may any way corrupt him, either in his religion or otherwise: but also by their councell and advice wilbe good assistants unto him for the managing of his causes, w*i*thoute whose helpes he cannot but erre; for neither his yers, his experience of the worlde, or knowledg of the countrey can warrant the sufficient dischardging of so waightie matters. Yet I am p*er*suaded (in respect he is so tractable and towardlie) that it wilbe easy to carry him to all good courses. This I assure yo*u*r Ho*nour* wilbe the way to make him to doe that w*hi*ch is expected, for w*hi*ch, as you are alreadie growen famous in this province and in most p*ar*te of the kingdom, and have purchased the prayers of a nomber of people, so I doubte not but her Ma*jes*ty shall have great cause to gev you thanks for the same, as for one of the greatest services (considering thiniquity of the tyme) that eu*er* was don her in this kingdom. Touching this bearer Cap*tai*n Price I say that although he be noe great doctor, nor any of these curious stately followers, yet I assure yo*u*r Ho*nou*r he is an honest plaine gent*leman*and as discreete and carefull of his chardge as eu*er* I saue any; I would he had the lik still about him to hold the helme so he could speak the lauguadge. The Archbushop is very good if he could still contynue w*i*th th Erle, but he cannot be alwayes w*i*th him. Thus muche for this tyme, hopeing tobe the next my self, or at least to send you better newes, and in the mean while, and for eu*er* wilbe readie to live and die in Your Service, P. CROSBIE From Mallow the xxjth of October, 1600.**Miler Magrath, archbishop of **Cashel****, to **Sir Robert Cecil**, 22 October 1600. -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- [*...*]But howe soeuer the successe shall proue, there is agret aparance of gladnes and good will shewed in every place wher the yonge Erlle of Desmond came, Corke only excepted, whosse magistrates seemed not to be glad of any tinge, that might induce mor streinght or possibiliti in the Englis gov*ern*ment then to be as it is, nor so muche it shelfe [*...*] but what shewe the comon sort ther, and eu*er*y sort, from the cheffest, to the loest, in other places, doe make uppon his cominge, I doe referr it to the honest berer his report, and the fruits thereof shall very seortly (God willinge) make the same manifest—the yonge Erlle was not 48 howres in the land when sure promisse was mad to hym of Castellmayn tobe delinked tohym; for w*hi*ch purpose his Lo*rd* and my selffe were suters tomy Lo*rd* President, to giue us a co*m*panei of horsmen to goo thether to make present triall of that promiss; but his Lo*rdship* ueisly consideringe hou warfuly traytor's promisses shulde be trusted, toght fitest tosend a trusti man from Desmond to make proffe of the promiss, then to go in p*er*son; wherupon John Pouer is sent, be whome we exp*ec*te good newes this night or the next. The next day afther John is departure others came to Desmond makinge sure promisses of 124[28](javascript:footNote('E580000-002/note028.html')) to be delivered (or at the least) discou*er*ed to hym w*i*thin few dayes accordinge to the first plott. **Cecil** to **Carew**, December 1600. -------------------------------------- I praie you Sir privatlie fynde meanes toe discouer weare yt possible, yf yong Desmond can be so vayne as toehave anie purpose to marry the widowe Norreys; yf he have, and yt he will confesseyt, tell him freelie yt her Ma*jes*tie will in no sorte allowe of yt; not in respect of anie unwoorthines in her, butt because hir Ma*jes*tie looketh att his hands to fetche all light for his acc*i*ons from hir, and not topresume for other respects, wherof she is not ignoraunt, nor anie waye allowethe him toe bynde himselfe. I praie you Sir, use this w*i*th secresye and discretion. **Desmond** to **Cecil**, 18 December 1600. ------------------------------------------- Right honnorable The dutye that I owe unto that Sacred Ma*jes*tie that hath raysed me from nought tobe her creature (in which tytle I doe onely hold my selfe happie) maketh that the least defect, which might be a hindrance unto the aduancement of Hir Highness' Seruice, soe greuous unto me, that I come soe farr short, of intymatinge myne humble thanckefullnes, for soe exceedinge a mercy, as the greatest seruice which I might doe euen to the sacreefysinge of my lyfe, weare but tooe litle for her gratious fauour towards me. Not withstandinge, lest your Ho*nour* should hold your expectaton of my indeuours as altogeather frustrated, may it please youe tobe aduertised, sithence my last letter unto your ho*nour*, Thomas Oge, who was constable to James Fitz Thomas in Castlemayn, yelded the same unto me, whereof I tooke possession by my seruant John Power, the xiiijth of November, and kept it for som few dayes, untill it pleased my uerie good Lord, the Lord President to haue it yelded into his owne hands, to whome I com*m*aunded it should be deliuered, and his Lordship is now possessed of it. When it was perfectly knowen in Ireland that I landed, James Fitz Thomas his company that remayned, dispersed them selves, and him selfe being sicke, kept him close in solitarie places, for which cause I sent my spialls to trackt him out, who brought intelligence yt he was kept in Arlough, untill the verie first night that I came to Kilmallocke, at Wh*hich* tyme he was conueyed from Arlough by a few horsemen to one Morris Powers house, as they informed; but I hope by my spialls shortly to finde his trackt, if he be within Mounster; and the sooner to bringe him to an end, I, with the aduise of the Lord President, sent his Lo*rd*s protection togeather with my letters for Dermot O'Connor, hopinge that he, with the assistance of my truest frends myght finde out the Sougan in his most secret den; and for Dermot's most safety in his trauell to come with a few company to this prouince the Lord President sent his letters in yt behalfe both to the Gouernor of Connagh, unto the Earlls of Clanrickard and Thomond, safely to conduct Dermot with some fyftie men through their Gouernment to this province; who after receauinge his protection, jorneyd hitherward as farr as Gortnishygory xxiiij myles from Lymbrick, and was there murdered by Theobold Bourke alias Tybot ne Longe accompanyed with 300 men. Some saith this murther was com*m*itted for that he tooke prisoner James Fitz Thomas (and I hold it the chefest cause, howsoeuer it may be disguised) whereby the Irishry were weakned, and feringe that he wold doe more seruises against them, as I doubt not, your Ho*nour* shall understand by My Lord Presidents letters, who is as much greued with this indignitie offered to the State, as I am, yet I finde my self the more greued for that his cominge hither was procured by my Lord President's protection and my letters; the reuenge whereof I referr to your hounorable consideration. Now I humbly beseech youe to consider my estate which is so dessperat in this kingedome that my person is not heere secured by these inhabitants great or litle, nor able to doe any seruice by reason I want meanes to execute it. I dooe desyre noe perpetuitie of hir Highnes charges towards me (but of hir fauor) neither doo I desyre tobe here (God is my wittness) for any respect except to doe hir Ma*jes*tie true seruice. If I had knowledg of James Fitz Thomas where he were, I haue no commaund of force to take him, except I shold send to the garrisons to joyn w*i*th me; and what oportunitie is lost in that tyme, I referr to yo*ur* Ho*nours* discression. Let any man imagin himself in this state that I writte to youe I am in, and I will demand noe more then he wolde, in the lyke condition. I find my Honnorable good Lorde kinde unto me, but I am contemptible unto the contry, in regard that they see my meanes under my Lorde not soe much as a privatt captein's, to follow the reb*e*lles, if there were present occasion of seruice, nor in their good carriage to geve soe much countenance as a farr mener man then a Earle; so as I do not at all, at least uerie litle, participate of the Italyan proverb Amor fa molto, argento fa tutto. I hope your Ho*nour* holds yo*u*r resolution for James Fitz Thomas, Pyerce Lacy, and the Knight of the vallei's lands, that I shold haue it, for Mc Morris his land my honnorable good Lord hath an assured tytle to it, and he that w*i*th your Honor's fauor gott me to be intytled as I ame, I shall neuer be soe ungratefull as to possess any thinge of his, for it cannot be but his gifte, and the worhle can binde me no more then I am. I humbly beseech youe that these obstackles, that hinder the abilitie of my euer-willinge seruiceable testimonies, may not make youe expect those performances of my dutifull prosequtions that their suply might giue youe iust cause to expect, except youe send directions to inhable me, otherwise lett me haue leaue to come into England, which howsoeuer youe procure her Highnes to make me great here, I protest, if it be put to my choyce I shall allways hold tobe there best, and soe will I imbrace it. The latter end of your letter maketh sue to desyre the knowledg of that honnorable personage whome her Highnes hath thought of my unworthynes for, which with expectation of resolution of your Ho*nour*, in all these my expressions bythis bearer, myseruant, yelding many thanks for yo*ur* infinett fauors, and halting noe offeringe of my loue to send youe but the Sugan's auncient (his standard) which this bearer shall present youe I rest Your Ho*nour's* in all humble and faithfull affection DESMOND. Moyallo the xviijth of December, 1600.**Desmond** to **Cecil**, 21 December 1600. ------------------------------------------- R*igh*t Hon*ourable* Sithence the writting of my l*ett*res, Thomas Oge hath brought unto me Piers Lacyes two sonnes. I do fynd him the trueste follower I haue, since my coming ouer. Whereof I beseeche yo*u*r Honor to consider in behalf of his dylygence to do her Ma*jes*tie service, and his affection to me. And thus I humbly take leaue, and rest Your Honor's as I will and ever protest. DESMOND. Kyllmallock the xxjth of december, 1600.**Lord Dunsany** to **Sir Robert Cecil**, 10 February 1601. ----------------------------------------------------------- [*...*]In the meane I thoght yt my dutie to signifie this muche unto yo*u*, that in the seruice of cutting of a badd graff, w*hi*ch when I tooke my leaue of yo*u* I promysed to sett a worke, I haue assaied many waies. Butt whate for the difficultie and daunger of the atte*m*pt, and for the distrust of requitall in eny p*ro*porc*i*on, of a seruice of that consequens, I fownd myne endeuor styll frustrat; butt howe to my greater comfort and hope, I procured (w*i*th all circumstance of secrecy and othes,) the mater to be broken to one of gretest nobilitie, spirit, and valure amongst them; promisynge unto him the place and hono*ur* for his reward whose ambition tooke the sooner, and faster hould thereof, because his birth dooth in a sort warant him to s*uc*ceed, as beinge lineally descended from the cheefe house; and for as muche as yfthe matter take wished-effect, som others might labor for ye honor of the proiect, yt may please yo*u* to understand yt. Henry Oge Mc Henry McShane is ye man, beeinge linealy descended from Con O'Neyle. *This my proceedinge I haue imparted to my Lord Deputie, w*hi*ch I hope in God will take effect!* [29](javascript:footNote('E580000-002/note029.html'))**Desmond** to **Cecil**, 31 August 1601. ----------------------------------------- > > My Most Honored S*i*r. It is no smale greefe unto me that I cannot attend hir Ma*jes*tie, nor so often accompanie yo*u*r Honor as in all affection I would; for in both those courses only, under God, my hopes doth rest; but before I begin these fewe lines of my demongstrating necessities I knowe not whither to turn me, if into tyme past, I behold a long misery; if into the present, such a happines, in the comparison of that Hell, as maye be a stopp to anie incrochement. Yett pardon I beeseech you this my humble sute, who washinge w*i*th my self hir Ma*jes*ties liberallyty unto me, and yo*u*r honourable fauours towards me, that I maye not be distastinge to either in ouerpressinge receaued bounties. I haue here inclosed sent yo*u*r honor a note of a sute whereof no disbursement shall growe foorthe of hir Highnes' purs, but an encrease of £20 yearly to hir cofers, w*hi*chby the aire of yo*u*r breathe unto hir sacred Ma*jes*tie, and the blessednes of hir graunt, maye supplye these my wants, w*hi*ch neuer hereafter shall importune you. If it be my misfortune not to haue it, soome other shall, and where can hir Highnes charity more perfectly shine uppon hir humble creature who hath receaued life from hir, and grace by you? wherein as you haue begun w*i*th me, so I may not herein find you wanting tome that submitts all his ends to yo*u*r liking, and in all humblenes doth rest much assuredly bound toyou. > > > DESMOND. > > Greenwich > > > this last of August 1601. > I do heere that yo*u*r honor shalbe ernestly solicited for certaine lands in Ireland, espetially James Fitz Thomas' lands, I beseech yo*ur* Honor not to procure anie graunt to anie boddy untill the land w*hi*ch shall stand at Hir Highnes fauour to bestowe uppon me be passed. > > > **Sir Robert Cecil** and **Richard Combus**, December 1602. ----------------------------------------------------------- ### Answeares to certayne articles of Richard Combus: — [30](javascript:footNote('E580000-002/note030.html'))To the first, wherein it is desyred that the enterprise (whereof you and I had conference) be keept from the Counsell of Ireland. You may be sure, that none shall know it but the Deputy himself, whom her Ma*jes*t*y* hath putt in trust w*i*th her kingdome, and of whose secrecye and wisdome she hath approoued experience. To the second. That the Governour of Carickefargus, be made party to it, it is all verie well liked, because he is a wise gentleman, and a commander of those places, w*hi*ch lye most convenient for retrayte after the enterprise. But because it may be uncertayne, to what place he shall first come for retrayt, he shall have a l*ett*re dyrected to him, and others, her Ma*jes*t*y*'s comanders, cap*t*ens and officers, whomsoever, to receaue the partye into their protecc*i*on till advertisem*en*t be sent hethe*r*. To the third. For her Ma*jes*t*y*'s l*ett*re to be written to Mc Donnell before hand, she will in noe sort yeild to the same. To the fowerth. For my writinge tohim, or assuraunce by bond to you, if you will send upp a draught of ether, I will signe them if I like their forme; if not, I will draw an other in such forme as I thinke convenient, whereuppon you may proceed if you like it. Lastly (because we may each of us understand one and other, and that I may not discreditt my iudigm*en*t w*i*th the Queen, and my creditt w*i*th you that trust me,) I think it not amisse to toutch theise two poynts followinge:— First, if your meaninge be, that Donnell Gorran must haue libertye to passe into Tyrone w*i*th any numbers, at w*hi*ch all those that know not the cause, will exclame and wonder, if *then* it should soe fall out, that he should not performe this, but that the least addition of strength or opinion of strength, should be conceaued to be added to *the Traytor* by this tolleration of his goinge ower to *the Traytour* (w*hi*ch but for this end should never be suffered) *in such case untill the effect thereof shalbe shewed, itself, much* advantage would be taken against my counsell all w*hi*ch beeinge in the hands of God, *as it may lack success* though he weare never soe well *disposed*, so will ye disgrace *be much greater to me yt haue ben the adviser, if the Q*ueen* shold receaue yt scorn to let him go w*it*h any forces, and, he then tourn on thother sydes, or show yt he neuer went but to serve some other tourn.* In w*hi*ch respect, because you did not perticuierly sett downe whether he meane to goe in, privately and do *only* desyre to have such an assuraunce, as if he shew it when he hath done, it may be sufficient to procure the protecc*i*on of her Ma*jes*t*y*'s forces if he come for retrayct, or whether he meane to goe in w*i*th nombers (in shew, to serve the Traytor) thereby to amuse him, and yet because he feares her Ma*jes*t*y*'s forces, would *troble him doth desire some l*ett*re to her ministers* to lett him passe w*it*h his nombers, I doe desyre to know his meaninge by your next certificate *in this point. In these respects I think fitt to let you know* that if he can goe in w*it*hout her Ma*jes*t*y*'s dyrection to her Governours, for letting him passe (whereof there wilbe much varietye of censure, *as I would not care* though he went w*i*th neuer soe many.) *But* if he must needs carrye some, and cannot passe without her Ma*jes*t*y*'s tolleration, then had they need tobe verie feau he caries. As I shall therefore heare from you, you shall haue a l*ett*re to the Gouvernour of Carickfargus, w*hi*ch beenige sent privately to him, by some trusty person, there may be some course taken, between them for his safetye, and yet noe shew made but that he doth come in agaynst his will. Thus much I thought good to lett you know, because the Governour must presently be acquaynted, w*i*th the reason, if he cannot passe w*it*hout his tolleration. Where otherwise, noe man should need to know it in Ireland, till it had been done, and then he mought haue had about him such a l*ett*re, as should haue been sufficient, to haue procured him a welcome, and a safe retrayct, *when ye enterprise was past, and yet he should not haue doubted to be discouered, seeing no body cold tell it but myself.* The other matter w*hi*ch I thinke fitt to lay before you, is this: that when the Proclamation was made, the Traytor was in his pryde, and then £3,000 had been well bestowed, to haue saued three hundred thousand; but now that his hart is broken, and he allmost a wood kerne, for me to ingage my word for more then was offered, weare lacke of discretion; for be you sure of this, that beeinge perswaded, as I am in my conscience, that it is not unlawfull to practise, the death of a declared, a proscribed Rebell, that whatsoever you shall receaue my hand for, I will see discharged, though I sould my shirt of my backe. And therefore, Sir, proceed in the matter, as you please; and for the Proclamation, doe not much buyld uppon it; for much tyme is past since it was divulged. But be you assured of this, that if by this draught, Tyrone be slayne or taken, there shalbe payed to your disposition 5,000 English Angells.[31](javascript:footNote('E580000-002/note031.html')) And this is the substance of all my answeares, *who, as I am desirous to do my country service herein, by sauing ye effusion of much Christian blood, whereof he will be ye aucthor whilst his lyfe lasteth, so I am jelous of ingadging you, or any man, uppon any promises w*hi*ch I will not p*er*forme to you as I will do these by God's fauor really.*