

#The Discovery and Recovery of Ireland with the Author's Apology


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The Discovery and Recovery of Ireland with the Author's Apology
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Author: Thomas Lee
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Electronic edition compiled by Beatrix Färber and Ruth MurphyProof corrections by Ruth MurphyManuscript transcribed by John McGurk

 1. First draft, revised and corrected.Extent of text: 66,200 words#### Publication


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#### Sources


**Manuscripts**2. London, British Library, Add. MSS. 33743.
**Secondary literature**2. E. K. Chambers, Sir Henry Lee: An Elizabethan Portrait (Oxford 1936). Chapter 8 relates to his cousin Tom Lee.
3. 'Irish costume in two portraits', Irish Sword 3 (1957), 44–46. (One portrait is of Thomas Lee).
4. James P. Myers, 'Early English Colonial Experiences in Ireland: Captain Thomas Lee and Sir John Davies', Éire-Ireland 23:1 (1988) 8–21.
5. Hiram Morgan, 'Tom Lee: the posing peacemaker', in: Brendan Bradshaw, Andrew Hadfield & Willy Maley (eds), Representing Ireland: Literature and the origins of conflict, 1534–1660 (Cambridge 1993) 132–165.
6. Hiram Morgan, Tyrone's Rebellion: The outbreak of the Nine Years War in Tudor Ireland, Royal Historical Society Studies in History 67 (Woodbridge 1993).
7. Hiram Morgan, 'Hugh O'Neill and the Nine Years' War in Tudor Ireland', The Historical Journal 36 (1993) 21–37.
8. Ann Rosalind Jones, Peter Stallybrass (eds.), Renaissance Clothing and the Materials of Memory (Cambridge 2000) 50–52.
9. A. L. Rowse, The Expansion of Elizabethan England, (University of Wisconsin Press 2003). See chapter 4, Ireland: colonisation and conquest; esp. 130–134.
10. R. W. Dudley Edwards, Mary O'Dowd, Sources for Modern Irish History 1534–1641 (Cambridge 2003) 99.
11. J. J. N. McGurk, DNB entry on 'Lee, Thomas (1551/2–1601)', Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, Oxford University Press, Sept 2004.

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Created: by Thomas Lee
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* (2009-09-02) Beatrix Färber (ed.)

* Header created, file assembled.
* (2008-10-09) Ruth Murphy (ed.)

* Text proofed (1); structural and content markup applied.
* (2008) John McGurk (ed.)

* Text transcribed from manuscript; introduction written.




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#### Corpus of Electronic Texts Edition: E590001-005


### The Discovery and Recovery of Ireland with the Author's Apology: Author: Thomas Lee


### Preamble by John McGurk


A brief biography of **Thomas Lee** may be found in my entry in the Oxford Dictionary of National Biography online. This tract was composed about the end of the year 1599 or early in 1600. It is addressed to the English Privy Council rather than individually to **Sir Robert Cecil** or any other specific privy councillor. Though the appended Epistle is likely addressed to **Cecil** as is the dedication. This substantial treatise appears to have been written during Lee's imprisonment in Dublin Castle; internal evidence attests to the fact that it was written around April 1599 for it mentions **Sir Richard Bingham**, and **Sir Henry Bagenal** who was killed at the Yellow Ford on 14th August 1598. Although the author's name, at the end of the introductory letter and indeed on the last page, have been indelibly blotted out; nevertheless from internal and external evidence there is no doubt that this tract is the work of Captain Thomas Lee. The format and style of the manuscript here conform to Lee's other writings; his 'A Brief Declaration of the Government of Ireland Opining many Corruptions in the same. Discovering the Discontentments of the Irishry and the causes moving those expected Troubles, and showing meanes how to establish Quietness in that Kingdom honourably to your Majesty's profit without any encrease of Charge' (1594) (the full title) exists in many manuscript copies notably B.L. Add. MSS. 34313(2); N.L.I. MS. 1750 and the Folger Shakespeare Library MS. Add. 586 no. 3 was published by John Lodge in Desiderata Curiosa Hibernica (Dublin, 1772, vol.1 pp.87-150). His second major work: 'Informacion given to Queen Elizabeth against Sir William Fitzwilliam's; his government in Ireland' (recently affirmed to be Lee's work by Dr. Hiram Morgan) is in B.L. Harleian MS. 35, ff.258-265 and gives a detailed account of Fitzwilliam's corruption and sets out a possible peace solution to the 1590s crisis in Ulster. There is much repetition of ideas and allegations from the 'Information given ...' in his third extended writing, 'The Discoverye and Recoverye of Ireland with the author's Apology' hereafter transcribed. These three major tracts left by Lee give extraordinary insights into the shady life of an Elizabethan military captain living in the shadows as a double-agent on the edges of loyalty and treason. The present tract evinces a more than normal grasp of what was happening on both sides during the Nine Years War. As a participating military captain Lee, of acute intelligence and percipient observation of men and manners, was well placed to comment on the war right from its outbreak until the Essex debacle in 1601. But, because of his friendship with **Hugh O'Neill**, he was used by the latter and exploited by the state to act as a negotiator on account of his court contacts and likely bilingualism. Despite all his astuteness the inherent dangers of a double role cast an air of suspicion on his motives and often landed him in prison and finally to his execution as a traitor.


The first part of the tract 'the Discoverye' gives much information on traitors which he divides into 'open' and 'secret' together with a series of complaints against the authorities in the Dublin administration echoing his allegations against **Sir William Fitzwilliam**'s government as lord deputy, but here levelled at the Earl of Ormond whom he claimed never did the Queen any good service and that it was only when she kept him in England that Ireland was quiet. The second part 'the Recoverye' suggests remedies for the state of Ireland; his prescription reads: ‘*the* best meanes to recover that crazed kingedome and repayre the sicklie state thereof’ (f. 52). Some of his practical suggestions for the recovery of Ireland were anticipatory of later Jacobean arrangements such as the advocacy of a free but Protestant school in every shire, the removal of bishops out of the civil administration, and that the income from recusancy fines should be used to pay the hospital bills of sick and wounded soldiers. As well as a genuine concern for the fate of the soldiery he held strong views on financial probity and military efficiency in the recruitment, clothing, and victualling of troops in Ireland. More controversially he recommended that none should carry arms on pain of death unless they spoke English and attended the established church services. The third and final part, his 'Apology', is virtually his autobiography, and, as such, is unfinished business. His portrait by **Marcus Gheeraerts, the younger**, purchased by the Tate Gallery, London in 1980 was likely painted in the winter of 1594 on his visit to England. It has been so often reproduced and studied by art and political historians that the lineaments of Captain Thomas Lee are among the best known of the late Elizabethan military captains operating in Ireland during the Nine Years War.


Note by Hiram Morgan: ‘The name of the Author was obliterated when I purchased this book which I believe belonged to Sir John Oglander.’ This British Library manuscript had a curious nineteenth-century owner who annotated it in an attempt to determine its authorship. Drawing on near-contemporary sources such as Fynes Moryson and William Camden, he came to conclusion that the author was probably Thomas Lee but was not entirely sure. Besides comments in the margins and underlinings in the text, he also jotted down extensive notes on pages inserted at the beginning of the Discoverye and again at the beginning and end of the Apologye. As a result of these page insertions, he decided to repaginate the whole text in a single enumeration. Since these notes and insertions are not contemporary and add little to the comprehension of the document, we have omitted them from our edition. We have also returned to the original pagination with separate enumerations for the Discoverye and Recoverye and then for the Apologye.




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The Discouerye and Recouerye of Ireland with the Authors Apologye
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### The Epistle


After I had betaken my selfe (Right-honorable) to pen and paper to discover the present miserable estate of Ireland, with the moste best and spedy meanes to recover the same, I bethought me of the badd success of my former labours bestowed by her Majesties expresse commaundement, and delivered in a booke to her highenes at my beinge in Ingland, which booke (had it bene well observed) had prevented all those rebellious and trayterous warres, which have sithence happened: And beinge therewith discoraged I was moved to teare the papers of my travell in this, and committ them to the fire, the rather, for that I was to deale against many and mighty adversaryes, well graced and frended here, and my selfe likely to finde now (as I found then) many 



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enemyes and not on*e* frend to assist and Cherrish my just and playne dealing, for even her Majesties moste gratious opinion hath been so alienated from mee, the suggestions of my enemies hathe prevailed against my true meaninge and sincere service. In which respect divers of my frends did perswade me, not to deale in those affaires of Ireland with my pen in any sorte, yet when I considered the calamitye of that kingdome, and the perrill wherein it standeth to be loste, if present succour be not provided; And that noe man (pardon I beseech you my bould presumption) knoweth better how to sett downe assured meanes for the recoverye thereof then my selfe; even such as weare never in any Princes tyme sence the first Conquest of the same, and without the which it is irrecoverable, but upon an excessive charge. And calling unto minde my love and duty to her Majestie together with a reporte which I have harde by divers auntient men, that the losse of one Towne (Callais) did helpe to shorten the life of Queene Mary and bethincking what greate greefe the losse of a kingdome (if Ireland should be loste) would bring to her Majestie which God (of his mercy) keepe ever farre from her, I sommoned againe my spirits to their taske with his resolution that though her Majestie and her Counsell should reject my endevours, my Enemies misconstrue them, and all the worlde neglect them: yet God seeing my zealous intent 



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to discharge my conscience towardes his Majestie my duety to my prince, and my love to my Country, would rewarde mee where noe imprisonment should hurte mee or slaunder annoy mee; Both of which I may as well expect nowe as heeretofore (though undeserved) for twentie yeares service and my bould writing that which soe highly consernes the state of this tyme to look unto. But for asmuch as I cannot trulye discover the Calamitie of Ireland, and the cause thereof, but I must touch some great personages and officers, yea perhapps some Counsellors there whose power and frends are able to depresse both me and the truthe, as heretofore they have done: Therein and therefore doe I appeale to your Honors patronage to Countenaunce this rude and unpollished discourse against the violant hatred and boisterous malice of my Enemyes, that it may passe and I may prove any thing I *shall* speake or write: Wherein if I fayle I aske noe favoar Protesting withall I doe not undertake this troublesome business for hate or grudge to any other persones, or to be revenged for many and great injuries received of them: but of meere Conscience towardes god, dutie to her Majestie and her honorable Counsell, and pittie of that distressed and oppressed kingdome. That her highnes and youe may noe longer bee abused in that service.


Another reason inciting mee to goe in this soe expedient busines is when I Consider her Majestie 



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and youe of her honorable Counsell do respect noe mans person or place, but will assoone punish the mightye as the meane, if they declyne in their duty, whereby I am encouraged to proceede and to spare none that either have abused or not used their authoritie and place under her Majestie as they ought; Devidinge this ensewinge discourse into three partes, namely the discoverye, and recoverye of Ireland, and an Apologie for myselfe, and my service; Humbly recommending the same to your honorable Consideration, wishing that these my poore labours might make Ireland soe happy, as to induce your Honor to become (next god and her Majestie) the immediate Author and meanes of her quietnes and reformation. In the meane ceason I besech you, yf in perusing this rude worke, any thing shall happen to displease you, either for matter or manner of the writinge; you will yet vouchsaffe, to passe it over and reade the rest, whereof some parte I trust will content you; yf not I shalbe sorie that you can reape noe delight, and that I have spent so much tyme, and lost soe much laboure. Soe in all humblenes I take my leave.
  

Humble att your Honours commaund,[1](javascript:footNote('E590001-005/note001.html'))


The Discovery
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{folio 5}*{A mistery in the combination of this Rebellion}* Before I shall enter into this discourse (right Honourable) I houlde it verie requisite to give you some notice of a misterie which I finde to be in the generall combination of this Irish rebellion: leaving the explanation thereof to this playne ensuinge discoverie which (if it shall faile to accomplish) I will humblie referre to your Honours moste excellent wisdome and Judgement.


And this it is.


*{Traytours distinguished}* In this combination there are both open and secret Traytours; these latter the more dangerous.


*{Open Traytours are those in action}* Open Traytours I accompt all those who are in open armes and Action, as Tyrone, Odonell, the Moores, the Conners, the Tooles, the Bernes, the Cavanaghes, and such lyke, too manie in everie Province over long here to particulate.


*{Secret Traytors}* The secrete are they that seeme to bee subjectes yet doe covertly succore mayntayne and relieve the open Traytours, with meanes and Counsell divers of whome I can tax by name, And with these I joyne a great part of the Recusantes.


*{The pretence of Open Traytors divers.}* Amongst the manifest Traytours, it is not strange to see yonge lustie able bodies (wantinge grace and wisdome) to run headlonge into this pernitious Action, either by the wicked perswasions of Romish Runagates or by the instigation of their 
{folio 6}
kinesfolkes, or for dislike of the Generall Government or their owne particuler estate, hauvinge little or noe meanes of livinge. *{welthy, aged, impotent, and unwelldye Traytors in open rebelion}* But to see the Lordes of territories and men of great possessions, yea suche as are aged even three or fower score yeares: Other impotent, as Cripples, others soe Corpulent monstrous grosse, and unwealdie that a horse is scarse able to sustayne their wayght, or if he were, they are not able to ride: To see (I say) such as these become open Traytours, it is a wonder. The rather, for that some of them have received great benefite and favours frome her Majestie *{Treytors who have pentions of her Majestie}* in landes and Pencions whom (because they are now apparent Traytours) I purpose in their place to manifest their names.


*{A simile to discover secreat Traytors}* With the secret traytors I entend to deale as the husbandman with his moall spade in the meadowe, cast of the earth that the vermyne may appeare, or lifte upe the greene leaff that the serpent may be seene so shall your Honour discerne wheither he have a stinge or not, and as these are of sundrey kindes, soe will I discover the serverall hurtes which they doe.


{folio 7}*{Three sortes of secreat Traytors}* Of these then are three sortes. The first mightie in power, place and auchthoritie, The second of resonable abilitie and meanes and indifferently respected and graced by the state there.


*{Recusants secret Traytors}* The third are in generallitie some favouringe the open Traitours for their pretensed cause of Religion, which are a great part of the recusants, and some affectinge the goodes, landes and places which some good subjects have interest in, other glad to be revenged for private grudges, other to make comodities by the open traytours meanes.


*{A great Commaunder supposed to be a secreat favourer of the Traytors.}* Dangerous weare it for me to deale with the first sorte of these, because of their greatness, I meane their Commaund and authoritie there, and their great frendes and credite here. But forasmuch as I desire to discover the mighty as well as the meane, and to shewe how they whome her Majestie doth trust with great service doe behave them selves, whether to the due discharge of that trust 
{folio 8}
reposed in them or otherwise, *{The greatnes of men in Ireland fitt to be looked into.}* and that I houlde it requisite (under pardon) that mens greatnes in that land should be looked unto: I will leave the lesser to theire place, and adventur to begin with the greater, sith truth is my warrant, and my promise is passed to discover, them which (by gods grace and your Honours patience after my rough soldiers plain fashion) I purpose to performe.


It might be thought strange if I should affirme a great nobleman of that kingdome and a subject to be one principall causer and upholder of the passed and present rebellion there, towards whome it may be her Majestie and your Honour with the rest of the Lords stand well affected for his good service, *{The service of this great man better accepted then there is cause}* whereof no doubt you have bene throulye misinformed in this manner videlicet that he hath done a very good service that his landes have been wasted, his nephews slayne, yea and that he hath executed one of his Nephewes because he was a Traytour, wherefor and in respect of his greatnes it were unmeete that a man of my meane fortunes should be hard against him. And that your Majestie and your Honors should be better advised than to beleeve mee. To all which I answere.


{folio 9}*{Anye man maye speake for the benefite of the Queene and her Realmes}* First what I am by place and qualletie, let that rest and permit me (as anny man may be) to speake for the Queenes advantage, and the benefite of her kingdome of Ireland.


*{The manner of this great man his service discovered.}* Touching his service, let him (or any frend for him) sett downe any tyme within these twentie yeares; that by his practise and meaines, or by his procurement, any one notorious Traytour hath bene taken or cut of, and let me loose my credite, yet muste I needes say that in the tyme of his Commaund many Traytours have been slayne, though he were nothing guiltie thereof, as Brian Reawgh, one of the Moores for one, *{Brian Rewgh one of the trayterous Irish called the Moores of Lease. A nephewe of that great Comaunders slayne and what he spake the night before.}* At which tyme a nephewe of the saide great manes was slayne alsoe, who was a good man noe doubt, for the night before the death of them both, the same his nephew did sweare in the hearing of an Inglish Capteyn and others of Credite, that if he knew of any draught or devise intended to entrapp the said Brian Reawgh who was a notable Traytor he would send him worde there of. And further if they said Brian shoulde fall into his handes he would not kill him. *{A frend to traytors, is alwayes well cut of.}* I leave it to your Honours consideration whether he that had such great care of a Traytours lyfe were most happily cut of or not though the same were done by 
{folio 10}
the enemie.


Againe to discover whether of theire two deathes (his nephews or the Traytors) this great man moste respected, it may please youe to note the sequell.


*{He respected not the death of his Nephew as may appere by the manner of his proceedings}* Yf he had respected the death of his nephew he might at that verie instant have revenged it, having then and there under his Comaund a suffitient Armye of her Majesties to the number of two thousand foote besides horsemen, by whose present service great good might have bene done to all that parte of Ireland, *{The Traytors discomfited by the death of their Captaine.}* for the Traytors under the leadinge of the said Bryan perserving him to be slayne, were soe discomfited that if they had been presently prosecuted they had been all or moste of them cutt of, or at least they had lost all their cowes, and Garrans which had bene to them an utter undoinge.


*{The Queenes soldiors sent to Garrisons without doinge anny service.}* This great man tooke noe such course but forboare the prosecution of the traytors and within feive dayes dissolved the forces and sent them to their severall Garrisons and retyred hymself to his owne howse.


{folio 11}*{New supplies brought to the discomfited Traytors by theyr Chief Commaunder, Oney Mac Rorye and Tyrell.}* In this tyme the principall leader of the said discomfited traytors called Oney mac Rorye O Moore of Lease came unto them owt of the North: And brought with him as notable a Traytor as himselfe, one Captein Tyrrell, with them great strength of men (and as it was reported) great store of powder, whereof the said rebels had neede, if this man had bene deseyrous, either to have revenged the death of his Nephewe, or to have don Her Majestie any service, woulde he have ceased to prosecute those Traytours when there was suche occasion of their overthrowe offered by their discomfitures.*{The Traytours tooke new hart by our Generalls necligence.}* But his forbearing them then put them in greater part then they were at first, espetially when they sawe two such leaders as their owne commaunder and Captayne Tyrell bringing to theyr ayde fresh supplyes of men and munition, Insomuch as they verily believed, yea and soe reported that the withdrawing and dissolvinge of her Majesties forces was for feare of them.*{The traytours reporte that the dessolwinge of the Queen's forces was for fear of them.}* 


Well to his house (as I said) he went, and there remayned until such tyme as he hard newes owt of the North what forces that Armye had, which was leade to the Black Water by the Marshall that then was: which sorting out to be badd, *{A verie suspitious course.}* he presently caused all the companies to rise againe from their Garrisons, and 
{folio 12}
to meete at a tyme and place appoynted, with a purpose to victuall the forte in Lease, which was then thought to be in want. That done to repaire unto the Northe whereby to preserve the Pale.


*{The Traytors prepare theyr forces afresh.}* The aforesaid Traytours, Oney and Terryll (understandinge his intent) prepared theyr forces to fight with her Majesties Armye. *{A messenger sent to the traytors.}* Our souldiers beinge upon their march, a messenger was sent before to the Captein, Rebells Oney and Terrell to let them knowe that those forces were not drawne together to offend or anoy them, but only to victuall the fort: which don they weare to passe along into the North; wherefore the messenger willed them (in any case) *{A message savouringe of treason.}* to forbeare fight with her Majesties souldiers for feare to loose any of their men, willinge them further when they shoulde see our forces once past the River of Barrowe then they shoulde hast with all their power into the Province of Mounster,*{Rebells up in Mounster.}* there to joyne with such as they should finde there ready in Armes, to destroy and kill all the Englishe and to havocke their landes and goodes, Now to put the said traytors out of suspition that their goodes might in their absence be 
spoyled.*{The traitors were incouraged by this message.}* The sayd messenger did assure them there should be noe souldiers lefte behind the Armye to anoy them. Here may your Honour 
{folio 13}
perceive how the poore subjects of Mounster weare betrayed,for all that was promised by this messenger to the Traytors was performed. *{The subjects of Mounster bought and sould. True touch kept with the traytors.}* There was not one souldier lefte from the Naas which is within xij myles of Dublyn unto the River of Barrow which is xv myles nor*th* from the Barrow to the River of Shanon which is xxiiij myles, neither to offend, nor defend saving a fewe poore soules to keepe the forte in Lease, and there noe more then of necessitie must man it, and the said Traytors of Lease left men enowe to attend them for coming abroade.


*{The traytors answer to the Message.}* Well to my purpose the two Arch Rebells Owney mac Rorye, and Tyrrell returned backe, the forsesaid messenger with his answare that they woulde performe all the directions whch he brought saving that they would not suffer the Queenes souldiers to passe to the forte unfought withall; because said they, we are stronge and have alsoe many strayngers in our Company at our great charge,*{The traytours Insolence.}* and therefore will we venter the loosinge of some of them upon the knocking downe of the Queenes souldiers. To bee short, togeather by the eares went both the Armies:*{The Queenes Armye and the Traytours fight.}* killinge there was on both sides, but in conclusion our souldiers made there way and victualed the forte, that don they passed over the Barrow on their pretented jorney towardes the Northe they were no sooner over the River 
{folio 14}
*{The Rebells follow the direction of the message and repayre into Mounster.}* but Owney and Tyrrell accordinge to the former directions went presently to Mounster. By this tyme this great Commaunder of our forces was come to Dublyn where he remained a space, *{The Generall findeth busines to spend the tyme.}* and from there went to the borders of the Pale, Northward to take viewe of the forces, and to see every company supplyed intending still (as it was thought) to doe the same service uppon the Northern Rebells: But whilst he thus delayed the tyme at Dublin and in the Pale, *{Newes of the stir in Mounster.}* newes came unto him that all Mounster was up in armes, and in rebellion: that there was great burninge and spoylinge, and that all the English undertakers were slayne or banished, upon the present receipt of these newes he made great hast backe to Dublin, *{The Generall with the Queenes Forces hasted into Mounster.}* and from thence took with him a great Armye and marched into Mounster; but soe longe and tedious weare his journeyes, as greatly greeved these souldiers, never the lesse because it was into Mounster their greefe was the lesse, for that they hoped there to have done good service, and to have gotten great spoyle from the traytors of that whereof they had spoyled the English for in all Mounster, no Irishman was spoyled but such as would not joyne with the Rebells, and such were shure to suffer with the English.*{The Irish subjects endamaged as well as the English,}* 


{folio 15}After many long and weary marches, that Army undere this great manns conduct arrived in Mounster where the Lord President mett them,*{The Generall and the Lo*rd* President doe meete.}* and joined the forces which he had, with them, the traytors likewise lodged their forces verie neare unto her Majesties Armye, much conference and consultation was there *{Much talke butt noe fight.}* betwixt this great man and the Lord President (as he toulde me) would fayne have fought with the rebelles, being stronge enough, when the 
two Armies were united to have beaten more Traytors then were there, but the other would by noe meanes be drawen unto it, but within four dayes he returned from whence he came, saying, *{The Generall returned the forces into Leynster without any service done.}* that he had understanding that the Moores of Lease were gone into Leinster and therefore he must make his reteyre the more speedy, for feare they shoulde doe much mischiefe in Lynster. Soe left hee the Lord President as he founde him and returned without doinge any service in Mounster, neither at his backe reteire into Leinster, did he anny there.


*{Soldiers dye by reason of many longe journeyes and tedious marchinge.}* In this manner did he walke many of her Majesties good souldiers to death with tedious and unaccustomed longe and sudayne bootles journeyes myself lost the greater parte of a hundredth tall men and all moste all their Armes. Yf this 
{folio 16}
man that soe carelessly toyled our souldiers, and yet doth noe service befitt to have commaund of them I humbly referr to your honourable consideration.


*{The approbation of the former message and the meanes to know who sent the same.}* Now to prove the former message to be sent and delivered in every poynt as I have set it downe I can bring forth the gentleman who tolde it me. He can bringe forth the man who reported it unto him; and soe by diligent search from one to another it wilbe made manifest to your honores, and to her Majestie that the poore subjectes of Mounster are mearely betrayed.


*{The Generall vehementlie suspected to have sent this message}* And to ratefie the truth of this message, all thinges therein promised were performed accordingly, which I am verily perswaded coulde not have been don without the knowledg and consent of that great Comaunder.


Now to satisfie her Majestie your honour and his frendes why this greate man did execute his Nephew. It was not simplye becase he was a traytor, but in another spetiall 
{folio 17}
respect as (if it be your pleasure) youe may perceive by that which followeth. *{The reasons why that great man did execute his nephewe.}* The father of that Nephewe and all his sonnes stoode attaynted in blood, by whose attaynder this great man's house must needes be overthrowne, and the right thereof to remayne unto her Majestie if the said father or any of his sonnes should happen to survive this mightie man: *{A smale occasion may serue his turne who is willinge to apprehend anye.}* wherefore to continewe his Signorye in his name he tooke that good occasion to minister justice to that Nephewe.


*{This Boye brother to that executed Nephue.}* Yet was there one sonne lefte a Boy who was prisoner in the castle at Dublin, whome this great man had obtained of the then Lord Debutye to take downe with him into his Countrye there to have executed him upon just cause as he informed the sayd Lord Debuty.*{Conninge suggestion.}* But a wise Counsellor of that Realme (havinge examined the innocence of the Boy, and the drift of this mighty man) obtayned the reprieve of the Boy when he was xij myles on his way *{The Death of this Boye preuented by a wise Counsellor.}* 
{folio 18}
towards his longe home, at which tyme the ould father of these sonnes lay prisoner in Mounster, who had been soone dispatched had all his sonnes been gone before him.*{The father was sett at libertie because the sonne might not be hanged.}* But beinge disappointed of the youngest sonne hee was content to enlarge the father.


*{The justice was good whatsoever the intent.}* Yet doe I commend the Justice in execution of this trayterous Nephew, for it had bene done in sinceritie of true service, wherof I am in doubt; because I knowe that whomesoever this man founde to be firme frendes to his nephewes, beinge traytors and fosterers of them.*{The kyndnes of this great man to the traytors frendes.}* The parentes of those woulde he cherish upon his owne landes and suffer them to use theire pleasure. To the intent I thincke to encourage other to shewe his Nephues the like kindenes.


*{A shrowde and sharpe instance.}* One assured instance I can cite of an old fellowe who had nine sonnes, all Traytors, and the moste of them following this great Comaunder's Nephues, which oulde 
{folio 19}
fellow could (if it had pleased him) have caused the said Nephues to have bene taken at anny tyme, I could name other dependents on this great man who might have done the like. Yf he have at anny tyme out of any traytours,*{Private injurye reuenged and publique service neglected euill in a Generall.}* it hath been because they presumed to spoyle his tennants, for not withstandinge his great Commaund and intertaynment from her Majestie and his owne mightiness in his contry, where he is able of himself to commaund a thousand men; *{A signe that he loved them not.}* yet hath he suffered the Poore Englishe men, even his nexte neighbours inhabitinge Lease to be subverted *subjected* and distroyed by the traytors of that Contrye the Moores whome he permitts to enjoy their landes and dwell in quiet beinge the nearest adjoyninge to his ouwne.*{Kindnes will creepe where it cannot goe.}* 


*{He who delighted to be wronged hath noe reason to Complaine of Injuryes.}* Touchinge the wastinge of his landes becase he alleadgeth the same have been wasted, he discovereth himself to be content they should be soe; Ffor if he weare angrye 
{folio 20}
whie did he not revengd himself uppon those that wasted them.


*{An English question.}* Yf hee deseyvred to have them inhabited whie did he not lett them to many Englishmen who upon my knowledge would gladly have bene his tenaunts.


But observe (I beseech youe) his disposition: he had rather his land should ly wast forever, then that anny Englishman should manure it, for (as yet) he could never abide one Englishman to dwell nere him.*{Belyke the*y* are bad neighbours.}* 


Nay more when the Englishmen sought to be other mens tennantes who had great Lordshipps lyinge wast, *{For the Good will he beareth to the Nation.}* he woulde presently write to the Lords of those landes willinge them in nowise to let them to ferme to anny English.


{folio 21}*{A counsellor for the state, not a Counsellor for the Lawe.}* To prove this he wrote a letter to a brother of his, that he in noe sort should lett a Counseller of that Realme have a Lordshipe of his to ferme, no nore to sett the same to any other Englishman, for if he did he would never be his frend.


*{A mans fault is the less noted whe*n* he hath copartners in the action.}* Hee that is of disposition to suffer his owne lande to lye wast, rather then to let it to the English, and to perswade other men to doe the lyke; what respect is there to be had of the waste of his landes.


Touching the Rebellion of some one of this great man his kindred; there are letters to be showen, and proffer to be made that he did nothinge but what he was commaunded, *{Letters are tell tales, let them be burned.}* I will not say by that mighty man nor that the letters were his, but let the 
{folio 22}
examination try it.


*{No fault in the trustes butt in the trusted.}* When her Majestie did put him in trust in some sort with her whole kingdome of Ireland by givinge him the Commaund over all her Forces there. I will avowch that he found it in this state following: not one Rebell out in all Mounster:*{Better founde than it was continued.}* Connought in great likeliehood to be brought to obedience, for Orowrke was this tyme with the Governor Sir Conniers Clifford. Leynster like to be settled in peace, and safetie; and the rebeles put downe; The North (uppon my owne knowledg) would have been willinge to entertayne peace; All the fortes and houldes in Leinster were safe;*{But the Case is altred.}* all the English subjectes in Lease and Ophaly held their castles and dwellings.


And his helpe had given him only by my meanes,*{It is more than ever that generall did.}* In the first winter of his aucthoritie I saved all Leinster from burninge 
{folio 23}
and spoylinge which I knewe a worthy counsellor of Ireland will testifie, for his credite (before her Majestie graced him with that authoritie) was nothinge.


Hee had not longe enjoyed the same aucthoritie but all the aforesaid three provinces namely Mounster, Counaught and Leynster,*{The more to blame he.}* were for the moste parte in rebellion; The greater number of the fortes in Leinster lost, Three of them before that, I knowe who kept with small chargde, and the other two without anny. Hee took those two from him that kept them.*{Who will do the lyke?}* The first he left in the custodie of a Coward; the second he gave to the Rebelles.*{The worse bestowed.}* And the third the lord of the Boyle. Wherein it stoode tooke as his right, who should therewithal have taken great care thereof, but by his men it was delivered to the traytors. *{The losse is the greater.}* And these fortes (as all men know) were of great importaunce to have been kept, because they stood exceeding 
{folio 24}
fitly for service, and cost her Majestie much monie the buildinge.


The names of them were these; one was called Rathdrome that was given to a cowardly Captaine and he lost it, and strooke not one stroke to defend it.*{A valiant soldier.}* Another was Castle Revyn and that was given the traitors the Tooles. The third was called the Castle of Blackford,*{They were not soe soone buylded.}* and stood in Lease, and that is lost there, and all three rased and broken doune to the ground.


*{A lamentable case.}* All the Englishmen in manner through all Ireland ar banished and even they which have been there settled to inhabite since her Majesties owne tyme, turned out of all their castles and houses, their landes layde waste, their goodes burned and spoyled, and their dwelling laide flatt with the earth; *{Either the Armye was smale or his necligence great.}* And all this calamitie hath befallen them in the tyme of his government and Commaund of her Highnes Forces.


{folio 25}*{Either for want of will or courage.}* Besides this he hath not gone into the Traytors Contry to annoy them, which he might easilie have done without anie great damage or daynger.


Hee that hath seene the overthrowe of all the subjectes of Ireland in his owne tyme, and done her Majestie no service, is (in my opinion) to bee looked into, and that in tyme.


*{It had bene better for Ireland if he had still remayned in England.}* When her Majestie kept him heere in England there was not one Rebell out in all Ireland, if anie stirred, he was easely suppressed; And it hath beene toulde mee, the reason he alleadged to her Majestie for obtayning licence to goe over was to be revenged on that Arch Rebell Fewgh MacHugh and Walter Reugh his sonne in lawe *{A good excuse.}* for the wastinge of his landes and killinge of his Nephues, but his revenge is yet unexecuted. And yet I must needes say he made a great showe to have done it, 
{folio 26}
and gathered a great number of horsemen and footemen togeather and went towards Fewghes Country, but he returned home without anny fight: And the next newes wee harde weare that he sent a safe conduct to Fewgh mac Hugh to come unto a feast;*{A good feast and a bad guest.}* uppon which protection Fewgh came thether and was honourablee entertayned, and much made of. There he spent some few dayes, and then returned to his Countrye, and that was the greatest revenge that he ever tooke on that ould traytor. *{An yll meeting.}* But this much I am shure of that those partes of Ireland were the worst for that Traytors goeinge to that feast.


Moreover the next Christmas followinge, Tyrone went to this great mans house: my selfe and divers other gentlemen in his Companie; *{Open rebellion succeeded that secret conference.}* Att that meetinge they had secret conference what it tended unto, was best knowne to themselves. 
{folio 27}
But I am perswaded it was not for the good of her Majesties poore kingdome of Ireland.


*{Men are wary howe they play when wise men looke on.}* In all the tyme of Sir John Peritts government this man never made sute to goe into Ireland because he knewe (as the world supposeth) that Sir John was well acquainted with all his courses and that he would not suffer him to put any thinge in practise to prejudice her Majesties service. But in the succession of another debutie who was but poore and had made sute (as it was thought) for that place to repaire his decayed estate, thinckinge that poore deputie durst not crosse with him, for feare of his great frendes heare, who might seeke to recall him from that government if hee did. *{Adventures for Comoditye are loth to be hindred in theyr voyage.}* And the said deputie doubtinge it indeede did never finde fault with anny of his actions, though he knewe as much of this great manes doinges as anny other deputie; yet then lo he obtayned 
{folio 28}
licence to goe into Ireland.*{Over sone for the good of Ireland.}* 


*{Satiety seldome pleaseth.}* I woulde be loth to growe tedious in discoveringe this great commaunder in this first part, and therefore will here spare to speake further of him because (it may bee) I shall have occasion to say somethinge of him hereafter.


Onlie thus much for his credite, He is soe well knowne (in Ireland) that if he weare out of aucthoritie,*{His credite dependeth upon his place.}* there is noe man there will trust him, noe not the Traytors themselves who nowe feede him.


*{A note of perilous man.}* Further they will not come to him uppon protection, unless hee doe likewise send a pledge to remayne till the partie sent for do returne. Uppon this assurance they which offered him will peradventure come unto him, Ffor they holde him the most unjust man (of his word) livinge. In his writinge as untrue, for hee will write of the cuttinge of Hundreths, when he hath not slayne one.


{folio 29}*{A man who is onely for himselfe is seldome good to any other.}* Of his oune deedes and disposition intolerable will not sticke to make an end of any man when he can no longer serve his turne, or if he feare that his speech may anie way touch him in matters of moment.


*{All were well yf one blemish were all.}* This blemish is imposed uppon this great mans carriage for one spetiall note.


When there hath bene some notorious traytor out who by her Majesties servitors hath been brought soe lowe and driven to that extremitie that of necessitie hee must bee either taken or slayne. *{Good pollecye to prevent a mischiefe.}* Such plottes should bee devised that he should by noe meanes been taken, but rather slayne for feare of tellinge tales who had either incoridged him, abetted him, or mayntayned him.


*{He who frequenteth one way will never misse yt.}* Againe when other some such was (by protection) to come unto the state, if it were doubted that he could disclose some thing of this great manes actions he was suer to be mett 
{folio 30}
and slayne by the way.


*{Examples often do manyfest a matter.}* For example one called (as I take it) Thomas Muttyn in the tyme of the late recited Sir John Perrott who was to come to discover great matters*{A dead dog byteth not.}* but he was mett by the way and prevented by slaughter, I knowe who did it, and can guess who procured it; but here will I leave to speake any more of this great commaunder except I shall by occasion stumble uppon him hereafter, yet this I thincke sufficient to discover his disemblinge in her Majesties service because havinge all the command of all her forces, he hath never gone with them into those mountaynes,*{Either for love or for feare.}* and Glynnes of the Bernes which he might have done without any daunger or damage. But hath suffered the traytours there to dwell in quiett possessing and enjoying the poore subjects goodes of the Pale.


*{The meaner sorte of secreat Traytors.}* Now am I to discover the meaner sorte of secret Traytors, who are of good wealth and abilitie but nothinge in comparison of this noted great man.


{folio 31}*{Three secreat traytors named.}* Amoungst many of that sort I purpose only to name three, who are neigboures: Whose dwellings are scituated, betwixt the forte in Lease and that in Ophaly; Even between the Moores and of the one and the Conners of the other, which Moores and Conners are open Rebelles, and there bee their names Terrence O Demsye, Hugh Boye and O Dunne.


These three dwellinge as I say betwixt those two fortes are of power (if they pleased) much to hinder the intercourse of the Traytors from the one countrye to the other.*{These are able yf they were willinge to hinder the traytors entercourse.}* But they were never the men when either of the said fortes have bene in extremitie for want of victtuales or otherwise that woulde ever releeve the same, their abilitie and meanes beinge verie great, yea and one of them Hugh Booye havinge landes bestowed upon him by her Majestie.


But to the Contrarie I can prove two of them notrorious Traytors who have bounde themselves by oth to the Traytors Moores 
{folio 32}
Oney Mac Rorye and the rest and are secretelie the principall directors of the Rebells actions, I meane those Moores and Conners in Lease and Ophalye*{Great frends to traitors.}* yea and furnishers of their wantes with what soever is in their power.


These live not withstandinge in outward showe good subjects, they have countenance and frendes with the state,*{Dissemblers with the state wynked att for bribes.}* which they have purchased and doe still retayne by guiftes and bribes.


*{A subject but in show aydeth traytors indeede.}* So that although Hugh Boye have sonnes, brethren, kinsemen, and followers in open action of Rebellion, yet beeinge soe graced and frended, whoe dare say that he doth mayntayne them in theire trayterous proceedings secretly, soe longe as he is at libertie.


But if hee and Terence O Denncie whome 
{folio 33}
I knowe to be as badd as hee, were both in holde (as it were speciall good service and justice) they should soone bee proved as I have here noted them.*{Once comitted quiclie convicted.}* 


*{The third sort of secreat traitors.}* There is a third sorte of secret Traytors (and those noe meane persons) of whome I cannot speake by them selves, but I must be enforced to intermixe them with some apparant Rebells, and I must discover their names, *{Yf their names be not discovered their actions wilbe covered.}* otherwise their Actions will seeme nothinge, yet are their practises verie great and subtill.


*{Traytors prevent the law.}* It will no doubte seeme strange to your Honour that traytors in Action should have meanes by lawe to steed them. And her Majestie and her subjects (in that poynt) fayle of lawe to endamage them, which ambiguity is thus assoyled.


{folio 34}*{Traytors save their lands.}* There is not one Traytor out in all Ireland that is a man of landes though he and his followers be out in open Rebellion but he doth save the lande thus.


*{The traitors pollecy in matchinge their heirs in mariage.}* Before he enter into Action, he matcheth the heire of his house with some greate mans daughter or sister who stands a seeming good subject. Longe before this hee passeth over (and to his Heire assureth) all his landes, reservinge to himself an estate or Anuitye onely for terme of life. Soe by that mariage the same standes in.*{The father an open traitor, the sonne a seeming subject.}* And the father goeth into Rebellion, the sonne seemes to dislike the fathers proceedings, yea and inveieth sharplie against them to the outward show, yet in bene deed doth secretlie advertise, advise and direct his trayterous father in his Courses.


{folio 35}*{An obse*r*vation.}* That this is soe: I beseech ye but to observe (for example) the Traytors of Mounster specially.


*{An example of the traytors pollecye.}* There is one called the White Knight otherwise Edmund Mac Gibbon; his sonne and heire is mareid to the Daughter of the Lord of Dunboyne; he is a subject and doth invey against his fathers Actions. But this sonne well looked unto will prove a more dangerous Traytor than his father, For from him his father receyveth intelligence and direction. This sonne hath the advice of his father in law, who is as verie a Traytor (were all knowne) as his sonne in law or his father.


*{Directions come to the Traytors by Degrees.}* This father in law the Lord of Dunboyne Receiveth his directions from the greatest of all the Irish Lordes even hee whome her Majestie most trusteth; who being rightly 
{folio 36}
looked into, will fall out to be the greatest Traytor of all.


*{Yf all the Irish lords were as good subjects as they would seeme, some traytors could not stand.}* This Edmunde Mac Gibbon alias the White Knight could not stand as now hee doth if all the bordering Lordes aboute him were not his frends. For there are many of them of farre greater power than hee, and able to cutt him of (if it were their pleasure) as Your Honour will soone perceive when I shall name them.


*{A traytor dwells in peace amongst the Irish Lords.}* First this Traytors dwelling is even in the midst of all these Lordes and great men, my Lord of Ormond is next to him. The Lord of the Desye next him, Patrick Condon next, then the Lord Roche then the Lord of Cayer. Those three last were all Traytors but now are subjettes as yt were.


The Lord of Cayer hath no child. But when he was a Traytor and out in action 
{folio 37}
his second brother beinge Heire to his house stoode in.


*{The sonne inveigheth against the father onlie in show.}* When the Lord Roche was a Traytor his eldest sonne stoode in, and spake sharplie againste his father; But it was but to the outward show.


*{Two become traytors to reveng privat grudges.}* This Lord Roche and that Patrick Condon went only out of purpose to be revenged upon some of the undertakers, who contented with them in Lawe for their lands which when they had executed, their frends made meanes to bringe them in agayne. And now beinge in they doe more hurt then when they were out.


*{An Earl as lawfully created.}* The new Earle of Desmond (made by Tyrone) his dwellinge is close to the Lord Roche, the Lord Barrye and to Patrick Condon; and all the landes of those three last named are quietlie inhabited, yet that pretensed 
{folio 38}
Earle as notorious traytor.


*{Two could not stand, if the rest would have them fall.}* Who can thincke that this upstart Earle or that White Knight coulde possiblie stand yf those Lords were disposed to have them doune. But such is the force of this Rebellious Combynacion.


These are the Traaytors of the hither parte of Mounster.


Now for those that are of the further part of Mounster which is called Kerrye. *{Affinitie with traitors hindreth the performance of Dutye.}* There is an affinittye (I may not call it Combinacon) but I can prove it affinitye betwixt them and some great ones in whose kindred those Traytors are maried, which great personages might doe great service upon those traytors of Kerrye if it soe pleased them. And as in right they ought, because they receive great pay and entertaynment of her Majestie for the which they doe little or nothinge; for they doe never offend 
{folio 39}
those nor other traytors of Mounster at all.


I will forbeare to give an instance because I will not be thought to deale too hardly. *{Judge the rest.}* But the Lord Fitz Morrys, sonne and heyre is maried to the Earle of Thoomonds sister.


Fitz Morrys the father is an open Traytor. The soone abydeth in and enveyeth againste his father, and that is hurt ynough for him to doe. Yet notwithstanding his reproaching his Trayterous father, *{Prettie Jugling.}* he can finde meanes to have his maintenance out of his fathers Contrie, and Conference at his pleasure.


Yf the Erle of Toomond were soe disposed (though otherwise I hould him a noble gentleman) I am perswaded he might suppresse all those Traytors in Kerrye at his pleasure, because there is but a river 
{folio 40}
betwixt him and them. And none of those Traytors could possiblie offend him because of that River


The entertayment for himself and his souldiers doth amount to four thousand poundes by the yeare, yf the Queene alow it him onlie to preserve Toomond, he is exceedinglie bounden to her Majestie. Otherwise I know noe cause why soldiers should bee there,*{Soldiers lye where they do noe service.}* for that there is noe Enemie who can offend the Countrye; Neyther ys there dwelling any English subject except one or two poor men who depend upon the said Erle.


By this may your Honour perceive how the traytors prevent the Law by settinge over their landes to feoffees *{Traytor Feoffees in trust as untrustie as traitors.}* before they enter into action which Feoffers (yf they were knowne) are no doubt as verie 
{folio 41}
Traytors as themselves. Also how their heires doe save those landes by standinge in them with those of their affinitie; And how loth great lordes (in whose families the rest have matched) are either to discover them or to doe service upon them: when it is an easie matter (yf they were soe disposed) for them to suppresse all the traytors in that Province, and soe the like in other. Soe may youe likewise discerne in what sort her Majesties favours and entertainments are bestowed, and what use is made of them.


Thus have I discovered such and soe many (of the secreat traytors of this kinde) as the tyme and my present purpose will permit;*{A simile of subtill and bad servitors.}* whom from the mightiest to the meanest I doe lyken to those people which dwell upon the borders and boundes of a forrest, and the open traytors to the deare. Noe man dare without warrant hunt nor kill within the forrest. But yf the deer straye abrode 
{folio 42}
into the purlues everie peasant and Swayne dare then kill them. Soe doe their secreat deale by those open Traytors. Soe longe as they will keepe within their oune streingthe and fastnes they will never enter to disturb them. But yf they come abroade with their landes and annoye any of their tenauntes, then they dye for yt. Onely here is the difference, Those who have warrant will kill the deere within the forrestes those havinge warrant and Comaunde, yea and pay to doe yt, will not kill the Queenes enemyes dwell they never soe nere them, soe that they keepe within their owne boundes. And though they happen to straye abroade, as long as they endamage not them (let them spoyle and kill never soe many good subjects especially the English) they will never molest them.


Now am I to speake of certaine Open traytors who both by their title and their 
{folio 43}
Action may seeme to be discovered already yet beinge rightlie Considered they lye not soe open to the world,*{Open traytors and yet must be made more manifest.}* but is is requisite to manyfest them more, because the clowd whereby some of them are halfe shadowed, is the greatnes of a mightie nere borderinge personage.


*{Traytors as manyfest though not so mightie as these two.}* To make mention of Tyrone, Odonell and those whom all the world can name (as well as my self) were needles or to note those remote savage Rebelles were as vayne. Wherefore my intent is in this place for brevity sake to speake of those within the Pale. Even such as are nere bordering neighbours unto that man of Aucthoritye and power of whom I have soe often made mention in this discoverye. And first I will beginne with the Traytors the Moores of Lease and their adherents next joyning the place where they inhabite.


{folio 44}*{A sept of Traytors named.}* The names of the principall Moores who do commaunde men are these, Owney mac Rorye o Mooer the chiefest of them: Next him is Donell macc Owney O More; then Owney macc Shane O More, Fawghnye macc Fawghnye O More; and Edmond Carron O Moore of the great wood in Lease, a base brother to Owney macc Rorye.


*{Traitors to whom ye Queen hath bene bountifull.}* With these are Combyned certayne traytors who seeme to depend upon that aforesaid great Commaunder, and dyveres of these Rebells have received landes and pencions from her Majestie.


These are their names: the Keatynges dwellinge in a place called Sleemarge in Lease. *{A Captaine of ye Queens Kerne gross and unweldye yet a traytor.}* One of them named Redmund Keatynge hath had entertaynment from her Majestie as a Captayne of her Kerne to the value of vij (xx) li per annum *(£120)* besides landes, and this is that huge unweldy Rebell whom a horse 
{folio 45}
cannot carrye of whome I made mention in the beginninge of this discoverie. And his and the rest of the Keatings landes lye next unto the Lands of that mightie man of whom I have soe often spoken.


*{Unthankfull Rebells.}* Then are there the Gallinglasses of Lease who have alsoe landes and great pencions of her Majestie yet they are all in action with the traytors the Moores and have bene the moste cruell towards the Englishmen inhabitinge that Countrye.


Then is there one Teage Macc Murto Oge who is tenant unto that great Commaunder; who hath three brethren all traytors and he and they are unckles to the Chiefe Traytors Oney Macc Rorye O More. There are also a sept of the Kellyes in rebellion over whom that great personage hath a spetiall 
{folio 46}
command (as also over all the rest) yf it woulde please him to use yt.*{He who might restrayne these doth let them take theyr pleasure.}* All these were Traytors and Confederates with the father of this Oney Macc Rorye and Counsellors to the father as they are now to the sonne.


*{Part of the mistery discovered.}* Herein is discovered some part of that misterye whereof I spake in the beginninge namely that Lordes of Territories such as those of Mounster men of great wealth such as Demsye, Hugh Boye, O Dunne, and those Keatings, Galliglasses, Kellyes and many other over longe to name. And men that have large pentions as this Redmond Keatinge who may be reckoned amongst the number of the moste unfitt men to enter into action by reason of his unweldines. That these together with Cripples, aged, ympotent persons should be in open Rebellion I suppose the cause to be partly for that they are backed by their betters 
{folio 47}
*{The tenants of a greate subject pay wages to the traytors.}* whose Tennaunts and followers (of the better sort) do commonlye and Contynuallie paye wages to the Traytors souldiers to fight against her Majesties Armye. And partlie for that they are receyvers of such goods as the rebels do steale or take violentlye from the good subjects (and especially from the English) whereby they reape great profite.


*{A speciall proviso and worthie to be observed.}* But would it please her Majestie that speciall order might be taken that none of these here noted should by anny meanes be pardoned or receyved to protection except he should come in apon the cuttinge of some of the Moores or other notorious traytors; Especially that none of these who have receyved such bountye from her Majestie in Lands and pencions (as many of them have) shoulde be accepted to mercy).


Then shall youe fynde that eyther the 
{folio 48}
Moores will destroye these, or these will quight cut of the Moores thereby to reobtayne her Majesties favour. And rules this order be taken with those Ketyngs and Galliglasses, Teage mac Murto Oge and his brethren and the Kelleys, her Majesties forces shall hardlie make an end of the Moores, my reason is this yf they be called in, they will secretlie uphold the Moores, which have noe dwelling place nor land to rest upon but that which they have taken from the Englishmen of Lease from the which yf they be dreyven they must rainge from place to place *{One traytor will stead another.}* and these men will secretly mayntayne them or direct them how to dispose of themselves. And to leave that countrey for a season and to returne when they shalbe soe advised by these noted men. And at the departure thence of those Moores (yf they chaunce to be forced thence) these fellowes will take theyr welth into saffe custodye until 
{folio 49}
they may agayne enjoy it as now they doe.


*{Pardons and protections doe much hurt in Ireland.}* And sence I have here occasion to speake of pardons and protections, give me leave to discover how baselie the state of Ireland doth seek after everie Traytor to accept his pardon, or to take protection. Though it be but for a tyme whereupon everie base Traytor of Ireland will say, why should I not now revenge my self on anye man that hath offended mee or enrich my self by any manes goodes whom I malice? Sith I am assured to have my pardon when I will. But if protections were not soe popular as now they are, to those who take but occasion of Rebellion for advantage, And that Lordes of teritoryes and such as have landes and pencions might never be pardoned,*{These proclamacions good.}* but not taken of them and speciall proclamaycion 
{folio 50}
made of reward for their heades they would be fearfull to become traytors knowinge there were now noe favour nor mercy to expect.


*{Fault in the order as well as in the manner of proclamacions.}* 


There is likewise as great a fault in the order of proclamacions for at the arrivall of everie new deputie yf there be any acison of warres to be followed; then is present proclamacion made, to offer her Majesties mercy to anny Rebell that will come in and submitte himselfe. These proclamacions are to*o* full of Levitie; for the offenders (accept the benefite thereof) with all advantages to serve their owne turnes, thereby to uphold the rest of the Traytors from whome they come, And do not submitt themselves in true zeale with purpose to becom good subjects. *{Traitors take advantage of such proclamacions.}* But to goe out agayne upon everie smale occasion, especiallie if the service 
{folio 51}
happened to fayle: that is intended aagainst the Traytors their complices. Soe that if this proclamacion were never made but in another kynde yt were better (namelie) to lett them knowe; that since bountie and kyndnes will not bind them to be good subjects, her Majestie doth purpose to prosecute all Traytors (with the Royall forces)*{This is the way to do good.}* who are out in open action, and feindinge any of their frendes within who carrie the Countenance of good subjects; And yet doe secretlie ayde and assist them to execute such dissemblers, by her Majesties Lawes and to receive noe knowne Traytors to mercie but such as shall come in upon good service, and bloude of some notorious Rebell. Suche proclamacions, made and accordinglie performed are likely to do good in the service of Ireland.


{folio 52}Thus have I discovered soe many of both sortes of Traytors as may suffitiently serve to manifest all the rest, as alsoe what benefit they reape by pardons, protections and proclamacions; I have likewise in some sorte shewed how to prevent such advantages as they seeke by the same, now it remayneth that I discover the corruption of some great offiers, even Counselors of that kingdome, and the Cowardlines of some Captaynes, and the carelesse and unskilfull handling of her Majesties service there.


*{Bad officers discovered.}* First let me speake of them generally there is noe prince in the worlde served by officers as is her Majestie by those of Ireland who have seene millions of her treasure spent in that service and yet not able to give her Majestie and your Honours anye udnerstandinge how her fforces may be best imployed to prevayle against the Rebells, fewe of 
{folio 53}
either of them can or will doe justice to anye man that is wronged, or restrayne any man from doing hurt, who is able and willing, or when any mischeefe is done can they dyrect any servitor how to doe service upon the offendor, by which meanes they bringe dishonour to the state, *{Evill officers do much harme.}* disgrace to themselves, offence to many unstayed subjects, and a generall obloquye to our nation through their corrupt and in direct dealinge; as may appeare by this that followeth.


*{A report they toucheth our credite.}* The Traytors report abroad that there is noe trust in us; because (say they) wee will finde twentie occasions to wrong them when they live amongst us whereby they are sure to be hanged or deteyned in prison: or els to lose all their goodes without right or redemption. Or else they must brybe most 
{folio 54}
extreamly and soe (perchaunce) they may kepe their owne out of daunger, but he that hath not wherewith to brybe, is shure to lose all. On the other side, say they, when we are Traytors we are subject but to two thinges;*{A prettie sayinge of the Irish.}* first the English churle must hit us before he can kill us, and he must take us before he can hange us: And this is all the daunger we are in, when we trust not the English but are of ourselves, and stand upon our guard, these are the sayinges of the Rebells.


*{Necligence of officers hurteth the subject and putteth the prince to Charge.}* The necligence of some of these great officers will (I feare) cost her Majestie many thousand poundes to recover Lease and Ophaly from the Traytors, the Moores the Connores and to repossess her English subjects who have there been planted to inhabit since her Majesties owne tyme, whome god forbid she 
{folio 55}
should suffer to be dispossessed of their landes and despoyled of their goodes without sharpe revenge upon those Rebells whom at her gratious pleasure she is able to depresse.


*{Objection:}* Yt may be, they will object that the fault was not in them but in those inhabitants; partlie I confesse it was, *{*Answer*:}* because they performed not those covenantes and condicions where they were bounden to the Queene for their owne defence yett many of those poore Creatures lost their blood in defending that which her princely bountie had bestowed upon them. But the greatest fault indeed was in the governors appoynted over them,*{The people perish where the governours are careless.}* who did not in tyme take care to see them punished with men and horses accordinglie, especiallie perceyvinge a great lyklyhoode of 
{folio 56}
war to ensue. Att which tyme the people were able to have furnished themselves according to their tenures; butt suppose they had not, yet better had yt bene for them to have used all their meanes and proved all their Creditts,*{Better layout a little then lose all.}* than to have lost all their substance and manye of their lyves; which had her Majesties Offiers bene provident myght in tyme have bene prevented, and they provided upon their owne Charge but nowe of necessetie be recovered at her Majesties cost, otherwise it wilbe the greatest dishonour that once hapned to soe high and absolute a Prince as is her Majestie of whome the mightiest kinges of Christendome doe stand in awe.


*{Where faultes are infinit all cannot be uttered.}* To ripp up all their sinister practises, corrupt dealings improvident necligences and eyther wilfull or unskilfull igorances 
{folio 57}
would require a volume as large as the Crounickle, for brevitie therefore I will cease to speake of them generallie and will spetiallie note two or three of them, whome with the rest, I will humble referr to your Honours Censure.


I have hard an old sainge which seldom proveth false: which is he that hath once bene a professed papist, Priest, or a Fryer (Lett him turne both his note, and his cote as well as he can)*{It is hard to putt of a habite.}* is ever afterward held but dishonest, yet such there are who do hold great place of Credite and aucthoritye. But how unfit the Consciences of such are to be trusted, I leave to your Honours Consideracion.


*{Wante of arte leaves matter disjoyned}* I am sorie that his ensuinge storie doth follow soe immediatelie because the may seeme necessarylie to depend one upon another 
{folio 58}
but that I referr unto judgment.


*{Great faultes in others seeme smale in this man.}* 
There is a great man in Ireland who though he be manye wayes to be touched for certayne kindes of Treason, for deceivinge her Majestie and for extorting upon her good subjectes yet will I spare him for all these, And will onely speake of one Conninge practise which he useth; which (were it not in soe great a personage) would be thought mere Cousenage; It is this, When he hath any any tyme a great purchace in hand,*{Borrowinge money of a Recusant.}* yf he know of anye Recusant who is well monyed Or of anny Lord who (he thincketh)*{Borrowing of som Irish lord.}* shall have neede of his frendshipp, the same Lord having store of money:*{Borrowinge of Captaines who are gainers by bad gettings.}* Or yf there a a Captaine whoe hath bene imployed amongst the Irish and by his intertayment or his extorcion, or both is become wealthie and moneyed. Then to all these sortes of men will he send and 
{folio 59}
borrowe of some a C li *£100* or some more for the which he doth give them his bondes and he hath the money for one respect or an other. But when the tyme of payment cometh and they humblie demand their money they cannot have it,*{Money may be twice demaunded before it be once had.}* and yet dare they not bringe their bondes in question, least he being offended should pay them, and then by his Aucthoritye and power, plage them by one means or other; wherein they know they are faultye. *{They pay for their faultes.}* Insomuch as theye must be contented to be silent and hold their moneye loste and never demmaund yt after, In this sort hath he gotten great somes of money. I can name some one of all these severall kyndes of whome he hath had yt.


There is another Counselor in Ireland
{folio 60}
either of noe conscience or havinge anye the same ys exceedinge corrupt:*{A corrupt Conscience.}* for he will take great bribes, and yett not accomplish that which he promiseth in takinge them: whereas I will be bould to sett downe one instance.


*{A storie of a gentleman of Ireland deceaved in his expectation.}* There is a gentleman in the Castle of Dublyn who hath lyen there a prisoner (for his conscience) these xiiij *(or)* ten yeares, his wealth before his Commitment was knowne to be great. But by his charges in prison, and the Traytors spoylinge his goodes abroade, He is now become poore. This gentleman upon a tyme (by meanes) procured his enlargement in the tyme whereof he made sute to this Counsellor that he would soe much favour and stead him, as he might (by his procurement) enjoy his liberty duringe his lyfe, which if this Counsellor would Compasse for him: 
{folio 61}
The gentleman woulde (in lieu thereof) give unto him parte of his landes, and a house standinge thereupon worth forty poundes by the yeare, The Counsellor accepted his offer. And upon Condicion to keepe this poore Gentleman out of the castle and to assure him his libertye duringe his lyfe, received possession of the landes simpley delivered by this gentleman in hope to have had all promises performed. He had not enjoyed his lybertye longe; butt eyther by the Aucthority or the spleene of some greater Counsellors the gentleman was agayne convicted and committed, and soe at this houre remayneth. *{A large bribe given for nothinge.}* Yet the Counselor holdeth that fortie pound land a yeare without payinge anny rent or performinge Condicions. Yet nothwithstandinge dare not this gentleman seeme greeved or complayne for 
{folio 62}
feare this Coujnsellor should cause his wife and children to be alsoe Comitted, who are noe doubt in their Religion as supersticious as himself.


It would greatlie encreace your Honour and love in Ireland yf it would please you to effect this poore gentleman his enlar*g*ment[2](javascript:footNote('E590001-005/note002.html')) upon good assurance for this loyaltie and ever forth cominge; When he shalbe called;*{All offend and but one punished.}* The rather for that the whole kingdome standeth upon termes for Religion and noe one troubled but hee. And I have knowne many of good sort commytted for the same; And yet for bribes inlarged. And many also of the worst sorte imprisoned namelye popish Pristes, Rome created Bishopps and Fryers etc. and yet for bribes sett at libertye: This (together with the moane which the 
{folio 63}
poore gentleman and his sonne have made unto mee whilst I was prisoner in the said Castle of Dubline) incyteth me to make this petition: which though it should not bee graunted, yet me thinckes that corrupt Counsellor should be questioned for taking a bribe soe dishonorablye. And justice done to the Gentleman either to be repossessed the landes or to receave his Rent:*{The one or the other is reasonable.}* And that this Gentleman may live without feare of that Counsellor both for himself and his children: which Counsellor (in my opinion) deserveth rather punishment than such a high place. And I would to god I might be commanded to deliver this poore gentlemans name soe as hereby I might do him any good.


What good service can ther be expected 
{folio 64}
at his handes who besides the place of a Counsellor doth alsoe hold a Commaund of souldiers, for both *of* which he hath large entertaynment and liberall paye from her Majestie. And yet dealeth in sort following.


*{A tale of a great Captaine.}* This Counsellor; this Captein, this Commaunder hath been robbed by a Traytor which traytor hath (by a servitor) bene taken, bound and sent by a leader of the said servitors (unto him the sayd Counsellor) with this message: Either that he should hang the same thieffe and Rebell soe sent him, or els yf he did not, then he durst not for feare of the Traytors partakers.*{He had belyke some reason to refuse yt.}* This Counsellor hath utterlie refused to have that traytor brought to his presence, but hath referred the determynacion of the matter to his wives discretion. She 
{folio 65}
hath compounded with the saide traytor for restetucion of her husbandes goodes, she hath taken the traytors oth upon a booke for performance thereof, which othe he hath kept, he hath restored and she hath received her stolne goodes.*{An oth after the Irish manner.}* 


*{The matter is referred to judgment}* I know not whether this be treason or not, wherefore I referre it to your Honours Judgment, as also how worthie or unworthie he is of his Counsellors place, but speciallie of his Captaynes office; who havinge men in Entertaynment (who should kill Traytors) dare not when theye are taken to his hand, and sent to him bound over execute justice upon them, especiallie havinge such a message sent him that yf he did it not he durst not do it.


{folio 66}This upon my creditt I will prove against that Counsellor to be most true.


I am wearie to thincke upon, and more werye to declare the sundrie corruptions of divers of these Counsellors*{A good man is wearie to record bad matter.}* wherefore as I began with one of their necligences, soe will I end with on*e* of their ignorances leavinge them to her Majesties mercy and your Honours discretion in this and the rest.


They have bene witnesses of many benefittes bestowed by her Majestie upon the Irish,*{They make on benefite of their experience.}* yet can they not trulie enforme her of the disposition of anye Irishman whereby her bountie is lost and her princelie Clemensie abused.


My meaning is not in this discoverie 
{folio 67}
to taxe all the Counsellors of that kingdome, for some there are wise, just,*{The good are excepted out of his discoverye.}* and to be honoured for many good reports but onlye to note those that are unworthie of soe great a tytle much lesse of soe high a place.


*{Discoverye of Captaines.}* Now doe I intend to discover some of my owne Coat[3](javascript:footNote('E590001-005/note003.html')) shewing some few of their imperfections, because I would not be thought soe homely a birde to defile my owne nest.


I doe know some in that kingdome professed Captaynes, who are indebted to her Majestie as much as twentie yeres fightinge doth amount unto which I doe not see how they can paye,*{Belike they doe love to sleepe in whole skinnes.}* because all men doe know them to be soe poore in Courage, as they dare neither fight 
{folio 68}
either in her quarrel or theire owne; for if they (or any frend for them) can prove that they have broken one night's sleepe,*{They love theyr ease well.}* or once gone over theyr shoes these twentie yeares to prosecute or cut of any Traytors or offender within anye of their Governmentes then lett mee lose my Credit. Then is there smale reason (in my Conceyt) to allow them for directors who can not answer their owne defects. Neyther is there (in my opinion) soe great an Enemye to the State of Ireland,*{Cowardlie Captaines give the Traytors advantage.}* as they who profess themselves Captaynes and dare not fight. Yet are such preferred before those of whose good service all that kingdome can beare witness; *{Cowardes are better accepted than valiant servitors.}* For their actions are questioned, and their Credites canvassed soe as the good servitor standes in danger of Imprisonment nay even of 
{folio 69}
death in steid of reward for noe cause (except it be refusing to doe base and dishonest offices) when such cowardlye Captaines have preferment both by office and Aucthorites.


Others there are whome I verelie suppose to be no Cowardes, and yet they doe little or noe service upon the Traytors which faulte I will impute rather to their Idlenes,*{Idlenes is a fault as well as Cowardice.}* than to any affection they beare to anny traytor for any respect to favor him, And yet there cannot be a more apparent note to discover them to be either notable cowards, Idle servitors or firme frends to the Rebells,*{Who are Enemyes to subjects ar frendes unto traytors.}* and consequentlie Enemyes to the good subjects than their lyinge with many soldiors feedinge upon the subjects 
{folio 70}
suffereinge them continuallie to be spoyled by the enemy, yett they seldome or never stir to recover the subjectes losses, or endamage the Traytors any way.


*{Yll examples not to be followed.}* They who finde themselves touched in this may answere me and that trulie, they doe but receive example from their superiors for indeede how can her Highnes service goe rightlie forwarde when he which hath bene trusted with the greatest command of the Forces,*{Faultes y*s* now in one man.}* is knowne (there) a Coward, Couvetous, Slothfull, Unjust in worde and deede, and eyther merelie unskilfull or wilfullie ignorant in directing the affayres wherewith his is put in trust where if he weare valiant, bountifull, industrious, true of his word, and well experiences in those warres, havinge a sufficient Armye (att her Majesties charge) as he hath or at least hath had, what service might he 
{folio 71}
not performe which he should be willinge to accomplishe. *{Evill service.}* But beinge otherwise the charge is but Consumed, her Majesties trust abused, and her service left unfinished, which kind of servitors must in tyme be looked unto, or your Honour and the rest are not to expect the cuttinge of her Majesties greatest Enemy in Ireland.


*{A question under correction.}* Yf I durst presume to expostulate I woulde demaunde whether that money be absolutelie cast awaye when some one man in great place (in that service) hath intertayment of her Majestie for himself (and such as depend upon him) six thousand poundes by the yere. And yet neyther he nor they either doe, or ever did, anye one dayes service disserving the pay of one of their dayes Entertayments,*{Smale service for so great wages.}* yet moste of the said paye commeth clerelie into their owne purses, by reason that the poore subjectes doe beare all the burthen of the soldiers. And yf anny of his 
{folio 72}
owne peculiar followers happen to use extortion, (the subject complaying) doeth never find remeddye by reason this Commaunders greatnes upon whome they depend; And if notice be not taken of those that deceive her Majestie thus palpablie and remedy found who can imagine, But that her Highnes treasure must at length be quight wasted, and her subjects soone devoured, and compelled to starve when they who should guard them,*{The*y* use the benefite of the time.}* do opresse them greedilie attending their owne pryvate gayne and the benefite of some particular favouries of theirs more than her Majesties service or the generall good of that kingdome.


*{A good example maye be made of one of these two.}* Twoe sortes of servitors there are in that realme of Ireland. And her Majestie shall never have good service of either until there be example made of one of them, even by the losse of his lyfe.


*{Great errors do sometime attend upon great actions.}* The one of these is accustomed to performe 
{folio 73}
manye greate services and ther withal (though unwillinglie) to commit manye great faultes and errors as he can not chuse who shall effect any good service there. Those faultes are (in some sorte) warrantable. And yett not soe securelie warranted but (if he have mightie enemyes) he may be brought in question for his life; the dread of which hazard, is the hinderance of many notable services.


The other is of great power and Aucthoritie mightie in place and frendes; and as he is such, doe doth he comite all those faultes*{ faultes without service.}* which the former servitor doth yea and many farr greater and in grosser manner. And yet doth not one good peece of service.


It weare therefore requisite in my poore judgement that both these were brought in question without respecte to person to answere their actions and to receive due reward for the same. Never doubtinge least the 
{folio 74}
drawinge of the greatest to try all shoulde cause the other Lordes of Ireland to stand discontented.*{Great trees yeld great shadows.}* For it is the libertie, countenaunce, and authorities of that greatest that makes them insolent; but were he in handling and questioned the rest would soone thinke and submitt, and by all meanes seeke and sue for pardon: which they are shure there quicklie to obtayne, especially yf they be of abillitye to doe anny harme abroade,*{It is better yeld and live than be taken and dye.}* againe they know yf they should stand out and be taken and brought to answer by lawe they are shure to lose their lyves.


In respect whereof although in this discoverie I might touch many of them I hold it most convenient either to call the greatest Lord of all the Irish in question or his Corruption or els 
{folio 75}
*{Take the best first that the rest may amend.}* at least to have him withdrawne from thence further which would not onlie terrefie the rest and reduce them to obedience and service doings. But it would encourage good servitors in their worthie proceedinges *{When the bad is removed the good may take place.}* when they shall see the speciall hinderer of their best indevors and most needfull services removed.


*{A great Army mayntayned and smale service performed.}* No prince in Christendome mayntayneth such an Army as doth her Majestie havinge noe service performed, for as those warres are now managed they are neither offensive nor defensive. *{Warre neither offensive nor defensive.}* But all that is done is to consume her treasure, and her subjectes provision, which men (of vallor and knowledge) would be ashamed to doe; for they with such a power (yea and farre smaller) would be often tymes in the 
{folio 76}
Enemyes country (even in the heart of his strength) preyinge and spoylinge, which offence to the Traytors were a defence to the subject, But such as are chief Commaunders there now, will not be ashamed of anye thinge,*{Some are ashamed of nothinge.}* thought it concerne them in reputacion never so *dispellinge* of such a dull leaden temper on their spirits though their faces be of brasse; for lett them receive never soe great disgrace, yett will they find covert conning meanes to be steaded with frends.


That this is most true that poor kingdome too dear bought by Experience can wittnes; Wherefore mee seemes that (even in Conscience) such kinde of men shoulde be found out and with all disgrace 
{folio 77}
disjected from their high places of commaunde, and quight rejected from the Army. And that neither their tonges nor their pennies should be permitted to excuse their cowardlie demeanors but let their Actions justefie their worth.*{Excuses are not tollerable where faultes are intollerable.}* And suffer not the generall Commaunder to passe excused with saying he wanted this or wanted that for havinge the soldiers (in any reasonable proporcion)*{Any proporcion of soldiers may doe some service.}* he might do good service not withstanding the Enemye were farre stronger than hee.


Yf these and such like (as well Counsellors and Cheefe Comaunders as Cowardlie Captaynes) were called in question the first sorte for their corruption, the 
{folio 78}
latter for their Idlenes, and both for their bade service and everie of them ponished accordinge to the qualitie of their offences; what an example would it be of excellent justice; and what Honour to Her Majestie and to England consideringe they have deserved more than her princlie clemencye would inflict,*{Justice if often mitigated by the Princes Clemencye.}* by losing so many old soldiours there, and many new sent thither from hence through their neclegence, and yet noe service performed. Besydes many are fallen from their loyaltye only for want of Justice, which they ought to have ministered.


And sithence I am here speakinge of soldiers give me leave I beseech you to digresse a little (and yet not much 
{folio 79}
impertinently) to beemone a great number of poore simple men of England sentt into Ireland to serve who after they have bene there but a while, become unable to doe anye service.*{Soldiers sent from England want necessaries in Ireland.}* The reason is, the soldier hath too much of that whereof he hath no neede. And too little (or nothinge at all) of that whereof he hath most neede yf this doe seeme a wonder I will yet discover a matter more strange.


*{The Queenes soldiers Enemyes to her subjects.}* The Queenes soldiers are apoynted to defend the Queenes subjects, but (as the case now standeth) the Queenes Army is in manner as great an Enemye to the subjects of Ireland as are the Rebells. The reason is {folio 80}Her Majesties Forces are (for the moste parte) garrisoned in the hart of the English Pale and lodged in the best Townes of that province which receiveth them.*{The soldiers garrisoned in the Pale consume theyr pay and the subjects provition.}* There they lye Consuminge of the Queenes allowance, and feedinge upon the subjects for what the Traytors do not take from them the souldiers devower under Couler of defending them; when indeed their Idlenes doth undoe both the subject and soldiors; For yf the soldiors were stirring into the Enemyes Countrye they might now and then bring in some pray or bootye of cattell to sell the subject as a resonable price which would some what relive the soldier, and helpe the subject towards the manuringe of his land, and the 
{folio 81}
poore man would thincke his burthen easie yf he were somtyme soe pleasured. But the soldiers lyinge still hinders the service, hurts himself, and utterlie undoeth the subject.


But yf I were worthie to put in practise what my penn setteth downe I would pawne my lyfe to prosecute such a course, as the Traytor shoulde be wearie of his Rebellion,*{A course maybe taken to make the Traytors wearie of theyr Rebellion.}* and the subjects well defended duringe the service; and all the soldiers removed out of all those great Townes.


Here I have good occasion to discover how needles a charge it is for her Majestie to garrison her soldiers in anny of those good Townes for their defence.*{Garrisons are needles in great townes.}* For allthough 
{folio 82}
I doe knowe that moste of the inhabitants are notorious and obstinat Papistes, and can hardlie be true to her in hart (being through their religion) false to god, and (for that cause, and countrye sake) doe rather affect the traytors than the soldiers,*{The townsmen will help the Rebells when the Queens soldiers shall starve.}* for there shalbe nothing in there Townes but the Rebells shall have it when the soldiers shall lye in their streetes, some hurte, some sicke, and be suffered there to starve: As (with harts greefe I speake it) I have seene too too many yet for all this (I am perswaded)*{The townsmen will trust the Traytors to enter theyr townes.}* if those Townesmen should be commaunded to sett open their gates (as well as they affect the Traytors and befrend them) they would not suffer them to enter, but rather carefullie shutt them out, and 
{folio 83}
defend their walles against them because they doe know the tyranny of the Irishmen to be such,*{The Irishmen tyrannise over their Countrymen.}* as they would take from them all that ever they are worth. Soe that where they are now shure of somethinge, they should then be masters of nothinge. And therefore there is not anye Cittie or towne in Ireland (which doth stand upon Marchandice) that will suffer anny Irish man to Commaund yt.


*{The love though they trust not one another.}* Yett is there such love and league betwixt them, as the Rebells will not anoy those townes men which befrend them. As for example.


Fedder *{Two townes spa which might be easely surprised.}* There are two of the prettiest Townes in all that parte of Ireland called
{folio 84}
and Cashell bothe scituate nere the Trayors of Mounster, which thogh they be walled, yet ar they soe weake, that at any tyme fiftye men may surprise either of them. And yet they are left unspoiled.


Wherefore omittinge other reasons before mentioned, I hold it unecessarye to garrison soldiers in any of theose great townes for these respectes followinge. *{2 reasons why soldiors do noe good in great townes.}* First the Townes men need them not, for if they did, they would cherish them, nexte the soldiers lyinge in townes, suffer the Rebells to take their pleasure in the countrye.


*{This towne standeth upon Shanon an excellent river.}* The speciall towne in all that kingdom to be loked unto is Lymrick, because it standeth fortye myles from the sea upon one of the best rivers of that 
{folio 85}
Land, under the walles whereof a shippe of 4 or 500 tonne may safelie Ryde. This Cittie is (of itself) soe stronge as it such an Enemye as Spayne had it,*{If an Enemy had this towne how dangerous it weare.}* he would make it invincible. Besides (havinge this towne) he would absolutelie Commaund the River of Shanon, and the whole Province of Connaught on the other side, because, it is in manner an Iland. And moste parte of Mounster on the other side of the Shanon.


Albeit the Cittye of Lymrick be of this strength, yet may it easilie be held in saftie and obedience.*{Easley preserved being looked unto in tyme.}* Soe as the Castle were stronglie fortified, the ordynance mounted and well planted, store of powder and shott, and a stronge warde of 
{folio 86}
fortie men put into it. Then the Towne would never dare to stirre. But as the Castle is now it may be easily taken whensoever the towne shall have a purpose to revolt and turne Traytors wherefore it were good (in my opinion) this towne were speciallie and speedelye looked unto.


*{Good use to be made of this and other townes.}* Great use is to be made of this and of manye other townes in everie province of Ireland althoughe there be noe garrisons placed in them; for they may stand her Majesties Armye in good steede to have ghest houses buylded in them, wherein to relieve hurt, sicke and maymed soldiors and (in my opinion) they cannot be better ymployed.


Havinge discovered the Corruptions and misdemeanors of many of the mightie men of 
{folio 87}
Ireland as Counsellors and great officers and other of speciall imployment, as alsoe Traytors both secret and open, and some of their frends both in the countrey and cittyes and Townes: I hold it not alltogether from the purpose, for the knittinge up of this discoverye, in a word or two to manifest the generall disposition of all the Irish, and how unlike it is that they should be faithfull to her Majestie or lovinge to our nation; untill the peace of that land be recovered, and many disorders therein reformed.


*{The disposition of the Irish discovered.}* First in Religion (the surest bond of love) they are contrary unto us (who have bene there placed since her Majestie came to the Crowne, long may she in all honour and happiness enjoy 
{folio 88}
it) noe better than heretickes: And will neyther pray nor Communicate with us, nor (excepte some verie few of them) be sworne to the supremacye. Thus Religion doth not move them to love us. What then can benefites bind them? Noe.


*{The Queene and he Counsell bountifull to many Irish.}* Her Majestie of her princlie bountye and youe of her Counsell of your Honourable clemencye have bene well inclyned (by benefites) to make a great number of them firme in their faith and allegiance. And yet there are but verie few of all the auntient natives of that whole kingdome*{Bountye ill deserved}* , but are either Traytors or frends unto Traytors. Fowre can I name who are otherwise two of *the* auntient Irish race, and two of the auntient English race.


*{Fower of auntient famulies true.}* Of the Irish Sir Charles O Carrall and 
{folio 89}
Macoghlyn; of the English Sir John Bedlowe, and James Fitzpiers all those have done the Queene some service. And this last hath done, doth and will do her Majestie verie good service.


*{Many receive benefites and none doe service.}* Amongst the rest of those who have received guiftes and lyberall fees at her Majesties hand (and they are manye) there is not one, who hath either ventured himself, or bene the cause of the cuttinge of anye Traytors since I knew Ireland those 4 excepted. But to the contrary, manye of them who have been enriched by her Highnes with Landes and great pencions, are open Traytors.*{Ingratitude and guile combyned.}* And other who have and daylie doe taste of her Royall bountye and entertaynment are their secret frends; as in this treatise I have noted.


Thus may your Honour perceive that neither 
{folio 90}
benefites nor kynde usage can bynde an Irish man truelye and faithfully to serve and honour her Majestie nor love our nation. For this is his nature.


*{Selfe Conceit of the Irish.}* When hee seeth that her Highnes and your Honours deale kyndlie with him (without desert) he presentlie imagineth the same to be done for feare to displease him; wherefore the waye to cause him to be dutifull and serviceable, is not bountye and clemencye; but to lett them have justice, and lett him know that her Majestie can and will overthrow him and his estate yf he deserve yll:*{Justice is better than bounty for those}* and cherish and reward him is he deserve well: Soe shall youe fynde them the moste tractable people in the world, for soe will they both love and feare those who shalbe appoynted over them, yf theye in lyke sort do administer upright justice 
{folio 91}
unto them, the want whereof hath bene the cause of these present and many passed Enormetyes.


Thus (right Honourable) fearinge to be tedious am I enforced to conclude this discoverie wherein I have omitted much more than I have spoken of for want of tyme. And yf either the matter or the manner of my rude stile shalbe displeasing, I humblie besech your pardon for this,*{Pardon desyred for Error and omission.}* and your patience to surveye the next, which is the Recoverie wherein somethinges that are either herein forgotten or of purpose differed, may be discerned; the best meanes to recover that crazed kingdedome and repayre the sicklie state thereof (as farre as my poore Judgment will reach) explaned:*{The conclusion of this treatise.}* And how after the 
{folio 92}
Recoverie it may be reformed, and after the reformacion, in obedience contynued.


The Recovery
------------


{folio 1}*{An imitacion of a skillfull churgian. The state resembleth the head, and the English Pale the harte.}* In this treatise of Recoverye (right Honourable) I hould it good to deale with Ireland as a carefull chirugan ys accustomed to deale with a bodye full of dangerous festered woundes: that is to applie medicines to those which are nearest to the head, and the hart, before he doe practise upon the rest of the members. Even in lyke sorte will I begin to handle the Recoverie of Leinster, because there is the States Residence beinge the head, and the English Pale which I liken to the hart: and in that province have I beene most often and 

most specially imployed. And therein is alsoe is my house and land though the Rebells have lefte me nothing els. *{Connaught as the bellye or som*e*what lower, Mounster as an arme and Ulster as a legge full of Canker and Corruption.}* Then will I proceede to Connaught as to the bulke of the body contayninge the bowells (etc). Leavinge Mounster on the one side as an Armie easely cured. And Ulster on the other seid as a legge or such a remote member full of foull canker and other grosse diseases, which lymme in fitte tyme and place I purpose to handle indeed lyke the Surgeon, who applieth defensative medecynes betwixt the body and that infected parte: that neyther the humors of the body may have passage into yt to feede the maladye:*{A necessarie caution.}* nor the venome thereof may have recourse into the body to infect the hart and fume up to the brayne,*{Saw it of and seare it that no more grow on the stompe.}* then if medicines applied will not cure the disease the next and best remedye is to cutt it 
{folio 2}
of*f* from the rest. Againe I take this course the rather to beginne with Leynster and Connaught:*{They do nearlye resemble ech*e* other.}* because their state and condicion standeth soe equall and indifferent, that one and the same Generall or cheife commaunder and proporcion of power will serve to reduce and recover over both those provinces in convenient tyme, as by probable reasons I will purpose manyfest.


*{One Chife Commander of the forces for Leinster and Connaught sufficient.}* My opinion is that one chiefe Commaunder may manage the service in both those Provinces of Leynster and Connaught, yf he be a man of experience valiant and industrious havinge no greater a proportion of men under his command than imeadiatlie here I purpose to sett downe.


*{In Leinster 3 places for speciall service.}* In Leinster there are three speciall places where 

service must be done: Namelie the fort in Lease, the fort in Ophalye and the Glynnes in the country of the Bernes.


*{The forces equallye devided for service.}* Six hundred foote and fiftie horsemen apoynted to everie of these places are souldiers sufficient. So that the whole number to recover Leinster and to end the warre there, is eighteene hundredth foote and one hundredth and fiftie horse.


*{No pollecye to hold a Armye in gross together in Ireland.}* These souldiers must not bee held together in grosse any longer than places can be fortified and made wardable wherein to disperse, and garrison them alongst the skirtes and borders of the Enemies countries:*{This order of garrisoninge good.}* which nevertheless must be within such a Circuite as the Cheefe commaunder may be able uppon any sodayne occasion to drawe 
{folio 3}
them to on head, and to doe service at his pleasure.


*{A good proviso for the subjects.}* The forces being thus disposed and settled for a tyme: yf then the good subjectes doe loose anie of their goodes by the Rebells, and the same not rescued by the souldiers, or the Traytors not taken or slayne, yea though hee bee gotten to his strongest fastnes. The Commaunders, Captaynes and souldiers *are* then worthie to answere the same out of their entertaynment, except they shall do their indevor to prosecute the traytors to the uttermoste of their power.


*{There can be noe more required.}* By the placinge *of* the forces in this sorte her Majestie may be well served, the subjects well defended, and the Traytors much annoyed.


For yf the Commaunders and souldiers perceive that whatsoever the subject looseth (through their necligence) must bee answered out of their pay, if it rest with the traytor: it will make the Commaunder carefull,*{A good meane to make a Captaine Carefull.}* the souldiers vigilant and sturringe and the subjects willinge to doe all duties.


*{An honourable president.}* Yf your Honour should be the aucthor of this imposition to be layd upon the Commaunders and souldiers it weare a worke worthie your honourable countenance. *{Objection}* Although I doubt not but some will allreadye that to inforce the souldiers to answare the subjectes losses were verie hard; for yf there were never soe many souldiers the subjectes may be spoyled; which I graunt. But how?


{folio 4}*{Answer.}* Yf there bee but a fewe souldiers readie for rescue and the subject who is damaged do followe the tract of the stealth (for otherwise the fault is in himself) and these fewe souldiers provident and hardie; either the pray wilbe presentlie restored, or the next night recovered, *{Valor and industrye may effect this and more.}* or at least the Rebell shall never make benefitt of the pray, by reason of the present pursute and immediate good service which must needes be don uppon him: And doinge this the Commaunders and souldiers shall discharge their duties.*{It is not unlyke and may be verie true.}* Otherwise I hould them (as before in the discoverie) Cowardes, Idle or frends to the traytors. As I feare manye of them are, els would they not soe slouthfully consume the Queenes entertaynment to her Majesties disadvantage and their owne discredit.


*{The division of Leinster.}* Leynster is devided into two partes (as they terme it in Ireland) low Leinster and upper Leinster.


*{The Counties of Low Leynster.}* Low Leinster hath in it four sheires, Dublin, Kildare, Catherlough and Wexford.


*{The Counties of Upper Leinster.}* Upper Leinster hath three Sheires, Kilkeny, the Queenes Countye and the Kinges Countye.


*{The traytors named the Moores of Lease and the Connors of Ophaly.}* These two latter are (for the most part) possessed by traytors the Moores, and the Conners and ar*e* to be recovered at her Majesties charge.


*{Barrowe a River which runneth downe to Waterford.}* Betweene this upper and lower Leynster runeth the river of the Barrowe devidinge the upper from the lower.


{folio 5}*{Low Leinster soone recovered.}* Low Leinster (the garrisons beinge once well placed) is to be recovered as well in ten or twelve mounthes as in a hundredth yeeres yea in suche sorte *{Once well and ever well.}* as there shall never be anie Rebellion raysed hereafter by any of those Irish Septs which have dwelt in that part of Leinster tyme out of mind, namely the Tooles, the Bernes and the Cavanaughes.


*{A Curbe for certaine ill disposed Irish.}* Because these are ever readie to enter into any Action of Rebellion, let there bee speciall order sent from her Majestie to the Lord Deputie, that immediately uppon their depressinge noe man of those three Septs bee ever suffered to beare anny armes savinge such as shall assist the Governoer in her Majesties service, where he shall thincke fitt to 

imploy them.


During the prosecution of those traytors of low Leinster, let this be all the burthen which the subjects of the foure Sheires therein mencioned shall beare, viz.


*{Inhabitants of everie Countie to provide vittals accordinge to their owne composition.}* Everie sheire to provide to victuall a hundredth souldiers for ready mony at the rates already sett down by their owne agreement, for Beeffes muttons, wheat and mault. And lett them carie the same upon their charges to every place of garrison layd for their owne defence. And if they bee not defended after twoe mounthes when the garrisones are once placed *{A resonable proviso.}* (provided themselves doe follow the tract of the pray taken from them) 
{folio 6}
then lett the Governors Captaynes and souldiers entertaynment answere the same as aforesaid, except it be well knowne that they pursue the traytors to the uttermost.*{No reason then to Charge them with restitucion.}* 


It is alsoe expedient a certaine proportion of victuales be generallie taken up in everie sheire and charged as well uppon the free land, and spirituall land, as uppon the ordynarie sessed land, for then the Charge and burthen in raising these victials welbe easie.*{A generall burthen more easy then a perticuler.}* 


*{Horsemen necessarie to attend everie Sheriffe.}* Lett there bee also a generall charge imposed uppon these Counties for the finding of twelve horse men to attend the Sheriffe of everie Countie for his safetie that hee may the better travaile upp and downe to see these provisions sent into every appoynted garrison. 

*{Martiall law convenyent for a Sheriffe to use.}* And lett this Sheriffe have aucthoritie to execute martiall Lawe uppon all stragling traytors, run away souldiers, and idle vagorants that shalbe founde within the compasse of the said marshall law.


*{What a Sheriffe ought to be.}* Lett the Sheriffe in everie sheare bee a man well knowen of abilitie of honestie and well affected towards the Common wealth of his Countrie and a man covetous or scrapinge, or apt to take occasion uppon everie light quarrel to cheat poore men of their goode; noe briber oppressor nor extorcioner such as many have bene, by whose corruption many a poore man hath bene undone.


*{What punishment the abuse of martiall law requireth.}* And if anie Sheriffe to whome martiall lawe is committed, to punish malefacters within the compasse of the same, shalbe founde or knowen to have taken a traytor or offender 
{folio 7}
and for bribe or favour to let him escape. Let that sheriffe (who shalbe found culpable in such a matter) be brought to his tryall by the lawes, and under goe the same measure of punishment which the malifactours should have endured.*{Such a faulte punished would cause few faults to be committed.}* For the executing of some Sheriffe for his briberie and other corrupt dealinge wilbe a better example then the cuttinge of a hundredth base traytors.


*{Good for the subjects good for the soldiers.}* This exercise of martiall law (is in my opnion) fitt to bee continued to everie Sheriffe of the sheires with aucthoritie to take upp victuales in the Countrie to supplie the Garrisons soe longe as the souldiers shall pay for the same and the warres be Continewed at her Majesties chardge in Leinster. But the warres beinge once indeed, and the Rebells either slayne, 

banished or brought to true obedience in such sorte that they shall geve unto the Lord Deputie or their Governor such good assurance as shalbe by them demaunded, for their after loyaltie, and sitt quietlie downe in their Contrye uppon such condicions as shalbe thought convenient for them;*{Leinster recovered and reformed her Majesties charge may cease.}* Then let her Majesties charge cease, and the same bee layd uppon every Sheir in the said province of Leinster sithence it shalbe for their owne defence, and that their losses (if there happen any by the souldiers default) are to bee answered out of their entertaynment which souldiers nowe to defend everie sheire (over and above the twelve horsemen allowed and appoynted to attend every Sheriffe)*{An 100 footemen at the charge of everie Countye will kepe Leinster in quiett.}* must be only one Hundreth foote under the Commaund of the Lieutenant to be appoynted in every sheire who in regarde of his travayle and vigellance, is worthie to have a noble sterling per diem over and above his Captains 
{folio 8}
pay.


*{Lieutenants of Counties after the English fashion necessarie.}* For (matters beinge brought to this passe) it shalbe expedient to place a lieutenant over every sheire, after the manner of England, which Lieutenant ought to be a man of such integritie that he may alsoe be trusted with the execution of martiall lawe as well as the Sheriffe. And let this *lieutenant* have (as I say) the command and leading of a hundredth foote, to be garrisoned in the fittest place of everie Countie for the defence of the subject and offence of the Traytor if annie therebee; And if the subject happen to be spoyled (the fault beinge in the lieutenant and his souldiers) then let the entertainment of the said *lieutenant* and souldiers be stayed by the Sheriffe *{Necessarye orders.}* untill the partie 

greeved shalbe satisfield, if the Sheriffe shall stay in his handes soe much of the *lieutenants* and souldiers pay as should content the subject and not see him satisfied, then lett the said Sheriffe not onlye loose his office but indure punishment at the Lord Deputies pleasure, and yet be compelled to aunsware the poore subject duble damages.


*{Lieutenants to have martiall law in their power.}* Lett it bee likewise included in everie *lieutenants* Patents that he shall have power to execute martiall lawe uppon his owne souldiers if they shall use extortion, either in the Countie wherein the are garrisoned, or in their travell (if they shall happen to bee drawen forth uppon anny service els where). The *lieutenant* havinge this aucthoritie over his souldiers, if there happen anny extortion, or other disorder (within his jurisdiction) 
{folio 9}
there is none to be blamed but himselfe.


*{A meane to repayre the *lieutenants* company with good soldiers.}* This cth *(100)* men, under the *lieutenant* of every sheire, beinge charged uppon the Contrey are to be mustered by the Sheriffe as oft as he shall thincke fitt. And if the saide Lieutenant shall at anny tyme chaunce to lose anny souldiers either in service, by naturall death, or by runninge away, uppon notice given thereof unto the sheriffe of the Countie. Let the said Sheriffe have warrant from the Lord Deputie to supplie the said Lieutenants band, with the substantiallest mennes sonnes within the same sheire. And if the Sheriffe shalbee founde to spare anie for favour or for bribe (as usuallie they have done) lett him be punished in manner before mencioned. Soe shall the *Lieutenant* have good men, the Country 

shalbee well defended, and her Majestie exceedinglie well served.


*{A necessarye order.}* For the furnishinge of every *Lieutenant* and his souldiers, with powder, lead and Armes (the countee bearinge the charge) let them buy it out of her Majesties store, and not elswhere, soe shall the proportion be trulie knowen, and her Majestie shall receave double profitt.


Another burthen is also to bee layd uppon everie sheire for the great benefit and saftie of the same, both duringe the tyme that the souldiers shalbe uppon her Majesties chardge, and afterwards when they shalbe uppon the Countreies charge. *{xxtie Laborers for everie Countie of Low Leinster.}* That is, that there bee in everie Countie of lowe Leinster xxtie stronge, able and sufficient Laborers chosen for dayly wages and an overseere of their labours with allowance to him of xijd sterling per diem. To 
{folio 10}
fortefie first places wherein to garrison the souldiers, then to fortifie upon the Barrowe side, that all fordes may bee stopped, and made unpassablie either for horse or man soe that there may bee noe passage over the said river, save only at the three bridges of Leighlin, Catherlough and Athy: *{Cotes are boats made lyke throughs of on peece of timber.}* And furthermore that all the cottes may be taken out of every manes possession whatsoever, and that none be suffered to have anny Cott uppon the whole river of the Barrowe upon payne of death. And all those cottes which are knowen to be uppon the said River to bee either burned or turned to some other use, excepte it be some fewe to remayne in the custodie of speciall men for speciall good purposes. Alsoe those great boates which serve for portage of Commodities from place 

to place to be kept under lock and key especiallie at night, and not then to be permitted to stir with marchandiz or otherwise upon the like paine before mencioned.*{Noe boats to stirr in the night for feare of ferrieng over Enemyes.}* 


*{A good rule against the entercourse of traitors.}* This course being taken with the Barrow it is not possible for the traytors of the upper parte of Leinster which are the Moores, the Conners and their partakers to joyne with the traytors of Lowe Lynster, which are the Tooles, the Bernes and the Cavanaghs, there are Geraldine traytors on both sides, but their power devided is the easelier overthrowen.


*{How longe the Laborers ar to be imployed.}* These laborers aforesaid are to be imployed from Candlemas untill Michelmas, and somewhat after, at which tyme the dayes growing 
{folio 11}
short, they will scarselie earne their wages which the countrie shall give them.


*{One spetiall use of the laborers.}* And the labour of these labourers in another speciall busines is also to be used which is the cutting downe of paces and makinge passages through the woods and difficult places to passe, that the way may be made open, and to cast downe trenches, and such lyke as the Rebells have fortified.


*{As the lower is used soe must the upper Leinster be.}* When lowe Leynster shalbe once thus ordered, the lyke course is to be taken with the three Contries of upper Leinster, viz. Kilkenny, the Queenes Countie and the Kinges Countie and the same rule sett downe and observed for the River of Shanon 

that is here sett downe for the River of Barrowe; And soe the lyke methoode for *Lieutenants*, Sheriffes and souldiers.*{The Generall of the forces of Leinster to passe into Connaught with the sam*e* power.}* The whole province of Leinster thus reformed, the same generall is to passe over into Connaught with the same proporcion of men and noe more (uppon her Majesties Northe Counteries further chardge) vz. 1800 Foote, and 150 horsemen which served to settle Leynster.


*{Reason why it should be the same Generall.}* My reasons why it shoulde be the same man are these, first for his partes before noted vs. that he must be valiant, bountifull, skilfull in armes well experienced in those warres, of good meanes in that countrie, and well beloved, and furnished with speciall Instruments to worke by in both those provinces, or in anny other place of 
{folio 12}
that kingdome, *{Good use to be made of reduced Rebells.}* and next for that in the reducinge of Leinster he shall finde many who are now traytors there that will come unto him, absolutlie forsaking their confederates and become good subjectes and speciall servitors to assist him in the province of Connaught who will not willinglie followe another of whome they have had noe triall.


When he shall have recovered Connaught as there is noe doubt, but with this Forces, his owne meanes, and other supplies that he shall daylie finde, he may in convenient tyme: let him have aucthoritie from her Majestie (with the Lord Deputies liking and assent) to reward the well deserving souldiers*{A good waye to winn them and hold them firme.}* (who shall pass with him out of Leynster) with such landes as shall fall to her Majestie by the overthrowe of the Rebells in Connaught which will greatlye encouradge both them and other*s* (seeing them so well dealt withall) to be faithfull 

and dilligent in doinge good service, of which lands her Majestie now reapeth noe Commoditie but they serve for her traytors mayntenaunce onelye; in whose handes they now are, and ever have been.


*{When all is safe behind a man may the boldier goe forward.}* Another reason why it should be the same man is for that knowinge howe secure Lynster is lefte, hee may the bouldlier passe forward, and goe through the whole service of Connaught in the shorter tyme using alsoe that side of the Shanon which is in Connaught as he hath the other side thereof in Leynster.


And that the province of Leynster may appeare and bee indeede in everie respect safe, this in my opinion shalbe a meane to settle the estate thereof when it is quieted. Let those men whom this Commaunder shall 
{folio 13}
*{A good encouragement to servitors.}* chuse to be his deputie in the 2 fortes in Lease and Ophaly bee *lieutenants* of the same and have for their faithfull and carefull keepinge of the fortes. x s. a peece per diem allowed them as other beefore have once had in tyme of peace, and if they shalbe desirous to have any landes it may please her Majestie for the better encouragement of them and others to bestowe uppon them some of the Traytors neere adjoyninge lands to them and to their heires they paying such rentes as the Irish did or ought to have done for the same.


*{A soldier should have some preheminence more than an ordynary subject.}* Another speciall thinge would bee observed in the bestowinge of lands uppon the well deservinge souldiers that they should render all rentes, royalties and services to her Majestie what soever, And beare their partes of the generall chardge of the Shiere to the 

Sheriffes, souldiers, labourers, and such like, soe should they bee free from all compositions and usinge out to *the* generall Hostinges. And yet when there is anie cause to take annie of the souldiers lefte upon the chardge of the subjectes in the province of Leinster, into anie other Province for her Majesties service, it is reason that Leinster (or any other Province beinge reformed)*{A resonable motion.}* bee eased of the dyet of soe many souldiers, as shalbee imployed els where and the same souldiers (duringe their service abroade) to be either upon her Majesties or the Provinces chardge whereunto they are appoynted.


*{Fresh matter for Coanaught.}* Now to speake speciallie agayne of Connaught her Majestie (in my opinion) needeth not to bee any further chardged (during the prosecution of those warres in Leynster) than to keepe up those companies of foote which are allready there under the command of the Earle of Clanrickard 
{folio 14}
sonnes, and the Erles of *Thomond* and Clanrickard. And lett the said Erles be joyned in commission to defend the Countie of Gallway and to lay their forces on the out borders of the Counties of Gallway, Rosecommon and Mayo.*{A preservative for the Province.}* The disposing the service of these two Erles in this sorte beinge (as they are both) men of great aucthoritie; shall keepe the Countye of Galway saffe. And in defending of that, Toomond is saffe alsoe.


For the uphouldinge of these Forces, and the defendinge of those two Counties, lett there bee one Sheriffe appoynted to serve Toomond and another for Galway;*{Lyke allowance to the sheriffs of Connaught as to those of Leinster.}* And lett them have allowed out of either Shier twelve horsemen and some footemen at the Countries chardge in entertaynment to followe either sheriffe with aucthoritie to use martiall lawe, as is afore mencioned for Leinster.


Let the forces under the Erle of Toomond bee provided for by the inhabitantes of Toomond the Erle paying for their victualles after the usuall rates.*{There had need to be such an officer.}* And lett their be such Sheriffes chosen as will not fayle to take the two Erles ticketes that the poore people of either Countie maye bee payed for their provision; otherwise they will impose the finding of the soldiers uppon the Countrie, the pay shalbee kept from the souldiers for the same, and yet the Countrie shalbee left unsatisfied.


*{Theyr faithfull assistance will much further the service.}* And lett these two Erles bee appoynted to assist the governors that shalbe sent theither with the Forces aforesaid to see the River of Shanon fortified, and kept accordinge 
{folio 15}
to the order prescribed for the River of Barrowe; soe shall not the Traytors of Connaught passe either into Mounster or Leinster neither those of Leinster and Mounster shall have passage into Connaught as nowe they have.*{A good Caveat}* Before all for the speciall good of that province let present order bee taken for the puttinge in of a stronge ward into the Castle of Athlone for feare of some Treacherie to be used by them, who nowe have credit and yet purpose (I feare) to revoult uppon the taking of that castle.


The whole number and proporcion of souldiers to recover Leinster and Connaught (besides those that are under the command of the Erles of *Thomond* and Clanrickard and his sonnes) are 1800 foote and 150 horsemen.*{1800 foote and 150 horsemen are Inough to recover Connaught and Leinster.}* 


*{Repetition of the partes which ought to be in that Generall.}* What man whome her Majestie shall appoynt the 

cheefe Commaunder to followe those services in both those provinces of Leinster and Connaught ought to bee; I have formerlie noted namelie a man valiant, honest, bountifull, paynfull of great experience in the service of Ireland, familiarlie acquaynted with both the provinces, having instruments by whome to worke both within and without. And by his owne knowledge able to garrison his souldiers in such places. As the traytors for his liffe shall not be able to offend the subject but with his great perill.*{The soldiers well disposed shall defeate the traitor.}* 


*{Objection.}* Some will peradventure aleady that the proportion of souldiers here sett downe for the recoverie of both those Provinces is to small. I graunt it is a great deale to smale for an unmeete man who knoweth not the service. *{Answer.}* But if a man be chosen who is furnished with those partes (or the moste of them) which before I have noted, hee will both undertake it and quicklie performe it, and will handle 
{folio 16}
the warres uppon the Traytors in such places whereas others have not gone, and such a one will devide these 1800 foote and 150 Horsemen into divers and serverall places and yet in six houres warninge he will drawe off from each place as manie as hee shall thincke fitt, to one head to effect any stratageme.*{So must a skilfull Commaunder manage the forces.}* 


Yf anie (either for the slenderness of the Forces or difficultie of the performance will refuse to effect the service in those two Provinces in forme aforesaid, youe shall asssurdlie finde them that will undertake,*{Though there be few yet some will undertake yt.}* and by gods grace with that strength performe this service in shorter tyme, then may generally be expected. I doe not right Honourable yntimate this as desyrous to bee imployed, as if I were a man accomplished with all the qualities by me heretofore mencioned. But 

as one earnestlie zealious for the true proceedinge of her Majesties service and the speedie and sounde recoverie of her poore distressed kingdome and people of Ireland and clearinge such doubtes as have bene too readile received as men.*{Without all doubt the service may be performed.}* And as one who am perswaded and assured that by the wayes I have sett downe the same may be effected whereof to give your Honour the greater light I wilbee bould to sett downe meanes whereby I am perswaded infallible it may as (I say) bee compassed.


*{Athye or nere it is the fittest place for the chief Commaunder of Leynster to be resident in.}* First Athy is the fittest place for him to be resident in, who shall handle this Action. There is noe Rebell inhabitinge that Province of Leynster but he may in one nightes warninge doe service uppon him. The Forte in Lease is within aleaven myles thereof. That in Ophaly is within twelve myles. And the Castle of Athlone in Connaught 
{folio 17}
is but xxx myles of. All men can testifie (who doe knowe Ireland and mee) that no man in that Relme hath either more or better instruments there to worke uppon than I have,*{Noe more affirmed then is true.}* both within amongst the subjectes and without amongst the traytors to name them all were needless, because the moste of them are to your Honour by name unknowne. But some of note (of whom it may bee youe have perticularlie heard) I wilbee boulde to nominate. Nowe in that same Province are two who are out in action and conjoyned with the Rebelles, whome I do not doubt but to reduce to obedience, yea, (and before their cominge in) to doe some speciall peece of service worthye rewarde when they are come.*{Two fitt instruments by whom to worke in Connaught named.}* These two are Redmond Bourke and Feriough macc Hugh O Kelly whome (as I said) I doe rest assured I shall bringe in, soe as they 

*{Men will doe service if they may be sure of reward.}* may be sure (at their cominge in) to have her Majesties entertaynment for them and their followers when they shall doe her Highness good service. *{A story of an unnatural brother.}* This Bourke is nephue to the Erle of Clanrickard whose father the Earle (being his owne brother) murdered. And the said Redmond Bourke (beinge then yonge) hath bene ever since kept from his landes by the greatnes of his unckle, and the troublesomes of the tyme. And (which is yet more lamentable) he hath been following the state there for these manie yeares for Justice and could never obtayne it.*{Justice by nature is never partiall.}* It is (in my oppinion) a hard case when the state either cannot, or will not give one subject right against another but if this Readmond had his right in possession he durst and would keepe it, except the Erle either by lawe or at the Counsell *{But possession they say is xj points of the law.}* 
{folio 18}
table could evict him out of it. In the meane seasone he is (as I have said by meanes of that discontentment) a man in Action of Rebellion; not for mislyke of the government (though hee can get noe Justice). But to revenge his fathers blood uppon his unckle the Erle of Clanrickard who murdered him, and to recover some footing into his landes if he can.*{An indirect course to content his owne humore.}* 


That other aforenamed man Ferio Mac Hugh is a fellowe of such generall note and credite with the Traytors that by him I have noe doubt to effect some speciall good service and this Ferio as all men knowe will trust noe man nor come to manie men but my self, yet happily by mee hee wilbee ruled, but not unless hee see me have power to doe him good.*{This fellowe will never trust any man who hath ever broken his word.}* There are allsoe manie other 

who if they were sure to be rewarded with the landes of those traytors whome they could cutt of, whould adventure to doe service uppon none of the meanest in hope to bee not meanelie preferred by it.*{Great service deserveth great recompence.}* 


*{The Chief Commaunder of these forces had neede to make choyce of good Captaines.}* Whatsoever he bee who shalbe thought worthie to bee imployed in this service, it is verie expedient and necessarie, that he have the choice of all the Captaynes who shall followe him in these here mencioned warres: to the end he may select paynfull and valiant leaders: And to enable him to doe good service indeede lett him make request that everie Captein commaundinge 150 Foote should furnish twentie of his band*{A matter of spetiall moment.}* to be shott, on horsebacke for the which he should receave xij d. sterling per diem a piece as other Horsemen have which is but 
{folio 19}
iiij d. more then the footemans pay and yet her Majesties chardge for the same not augmented.


*{A thing so chargeable requireth some allowance beinge no charge to the Queene.}* Towardes the Capteins chardge in furnishinge these xxti horses it were reason he should have allowance of ten dead payes over and above his ordinarie dead payes, to beare iiij d. per diem towards the shott on horsebacke over and above the ordinary viii d. And soe hee which leadeth a cth foote and furnisheth in his bande then shott on horsebacke to have allowance of feive dead paynes accordinglie.


*{Honorable to the Author and profitable for the service.}* If it would please youe to be the founder and furtherer of this kind of discipline it would much redound unto your honour and bee exceedinglie available in all services 

there for by these shott on Horsebacke manie sodayne and speedie stratagems might bee performed, besides it would bee a preservation to the rest of the souldiers on Foote. And this is my oppinion for the recoverie of Leynster and Connaught.


*{Birds all of one feather}* Forasmuch as all the Irish, as well the seeminge subject as the open Rebell doe soe firmelie hould the Romish Religion, and soe stedfastlie stand for their holie father the Pope, accountinge her Majesties and all us her subjectes noe better then Heritickes: And seeing the generall chardge before noted for the defence of the subjects (in the severall Sheires of the two Provinces) is to be layed cheefely upon the poore Tennauntes whereof though my selfe shall beare a great porcion*{In for a share.}* noe one man in that part 
{folio 20}
of Leinster more, and other English Inhabitants shalbe taxed to their uttermost value as well uppon free land as otherwise, and the Irish that are lordes of the soyles, will beare nothinge but cut it uppon the Tenauntes.*{Landlords will parte from nothing so long as the tennants will pay all.}* Since (I say) they scape soe scotfree in this, as their nature is, if they may to shunne all manner of chardge I hold it (under correction) a verie necessarie and reasonable course (that the sicke hurt and maymed souldiers, may bee hereafter the better provided for) and not suffered to die in the streets in suche pittifull sorte as now they doe. That ghest houses be erected in divers cities and Townes that shalbe thought moste convenient: and that the third parte of every Recusantes livinge 

may be deducted to the mayntenance of the same,*{Whilist they refuse to pray with us lett them pay to us}* untill they shall conforme themselves to her Majesties lawes to goe to church *to* receave the sacraments and to bee sworne to the supremacie, both they and their families: In which tyme the warres of Ireland wilbe finished, the Relme reformed, and her Majestie shall have landes inoughe by the attainder of Traytors to relive her maymed impotent and Aged souldiers royally for I hold it in Conscience a matter of sinne to spare such men as publicklie oppose themselves against her Majesties proceedinges because they wish unto her Highnes and to her forces noe good success.*{It is a pittie to spare theyr purses who love not the Queenes proceedinges.}* But will (untill this or the lyke course be taken) secretlie support this Rebellion nowe on foote: where (by this imposicion and narrowe 
{folio 21}
lookinge unto) theire frugallitie is such as they would become more sparinge of their bountie to the traytors by which meanes these traytors warres would soone come to an end.*{A pampred Jade must be ridden with double girths.}* 


If any man shall object against this that this were to dayngerouslie to exasperate them who nowe hould for the Queene for defence of their conscience to joyne in rebellion with the rest: I answere, it were better they were all out then some onlie coulorablie in, whereby they thrive under the state, thereby to be better able secretlie to assist the Rebells.*{An open enemye is less daungerous than a secret.}* 


*{Seek a new way to the wood for the old is stark naught.}* If the generall course of those Irish warres be not better handled than it is and better choyse made of Capteins and other Commaunders yf her Majestie had all the kinge of 



---

p.



Spayne his treasure and thrise as many mines in England as there are in the East and West Indies, these warres of Ireland would spend her treasure, spoyle her men, and consume her victualles, and yet never end the warres: For it is not the holding of the forces togeather in grosse nor walkinge upp and downe the Countrey nor lying Idle in the best Townes of the English Pale that can ever effect it.*{Forces farre doe threaten but hurt not.}* But they are placed in garrisons neere bordering uppon the Enemye, and victualed in the chief place, fittinge the proporcion of the Forces, the same to bee where the cheefe Commaunder of the said Forces shall thincke moste fitt to make his resiaunce which is moste convenient to bee in the midst havinge his forces garrisoned on either side.*{They must break theyr sleepe who will do good service in Ireland.}* And soe to be stirring in the night rather than in the day to enter 
{folio 22}
into the Traytors fastnes; For it is the night service (by good observation of spies and guides) which must end the warres of Ireland. And not fightinge with them in the day tyme by fittes, or allmost not at all, but even when there is noe other remedie;*{Fightinge by fitts is lyke fever a good day and a bad.}* For the traytors have not yet bene followed, nor their strength and fastnes entered, since hee who is now cheife commaunder had the chardge.*{They never came yet where it grew.}* 


This beinge moste true (as I will prove it) I leave it to your Honours Judgment how these warres can bee fineshed.


*{Famine would doe it if we could kepe it from ourselves.}* I heare some say who have great places of commaunde that a great famine will end those warres. I graunt, so as it may onely fall uppon the traytors, but if the warres bee followed in such idle manner 

as they are now, the famine is more like to fall uppon the good subject and souldier then uppon the Rebell, wherefore I add that such a Commaunder or Generall doth well deserve to dye who suffereth the souldier to be idle, and the Traytor insolent, when by his vigilance and industrie the subject may bee defended, the souldier mayntayned and the Rebell destroyed:*{A Generall who suffereth soldiers to be Idle is lyke a Cutler who suffereth his blades to rust.}* For if the Commaunders and souldiers bee paynfull, and the garrisones well placed, then the traytors can take nothing but what he must fight for.


*{Short cessations verie hurtfull.}* Concerninge those short Cessations from Armes that are often concluded for some short tyme (as the like will custome hath been many yeares observed) I hold them evill and verie dishonourable because they undoe both the subject and the souldier, hinder her Majesties 
{folio 23}
service, and fortefie the traitor.


*{The harmes described that such truces procure.}* The subjects are damnified by the souldiers lying and staying in garrisons in the hart of the Pale, where they doe not onlie devoure that which the Queene doth allowe them, but alsoe consume whatsoever the poore subject hath, and cannot spare but to his great damage.*{The subject a looser.}* And yet for the moste part, the poore subject can gett little or noe payement for the same, and yet all this tyme the Traytor is not offended.


*{The souldier a looser.}* The souldier is undone because hee is not stirringe uppon the traytors to take somethinge from him. And yet this is not the greatest reason of the souldiers damage; but this:*{The Enemye a gayner.}* In the tyme of such cessation the Traytors have trafficke and entercourse to 

and with the Inhabitantes of the Pale in Countrie, Citie, and Towne, to furnish themselves with all necessaries which they want, as Broages, Frize and Mantles, yea and with Armor if it bee to bee gott, thus are the Traytors furnished and the souldiers when they shall happen to want anie of these necessaries cannot obtayne them for mony whereby many a tall souldier doth lose his lyfe,*{The Rebells leave nothinge for the soldiers.}* when sicknes or hurte in service taketh hould uppon him, for how can a souldier live to followe the warres, when in tyme of rest he cannot have that which should keepe him warme. Beseides the traytors are not only supplied with these aforenoted necessaries, but by this intermissive cessation they gayne accesse to their frendes who seeme perchaunce subjects in all partes to strengthen *{The traytors make double benefite of the sessation.}* 
{folio 24}
their Combinacion and make their faction the more firme, consultinge together how they may steede one another in the next ensuinge warres. This beeinge moste true I leave it to your Honours consideration to note how hurtefull these short cessations are which bee admitted for a mounth or two. And yet I must confesse if this kinde of peace for a mounth or two were used as it ought to bee the Rebells should reape little or noe benefite by it in this sort.


*{Good use of short truce.}* Lett every traytor (duringe the tyme of this cessation) be confined within his owne Countrie ther to spend uppon himself and lett him fortifie himself as well there as he can and spare not; But if he bee founde traffickinge or tradinge with any of her Majesties subjectes then lett it bee

lawfull for any man to kill him.


*{It will prevent many mischiefes.}* And soe likewise if any subjecte shalbe taken in the Enemies Countrie, lett it be death to him alsoe. Except he be sent by the Generall or Cheefe Commaunder of her Majesties Forces.


*{Though messengers were not exempted, yet such a messenger is not worth the stayinge.}* And on the other side if the Principall traytor with whome the said treatie of peace is held shall send any messenger with his saffe conduct, lett the said messenger come and goe saffe duringe the tyme of the peace, soe as hee buy nothinge to carrie to the traytors for anie use.


*{The best Comoditye that wee may make of these cessations.}* The speciall advantage that wee are to take of such truces for the tyme is this. That the chiefe Commaunder in this tymes doe bethincke himself what places are moste necessarie to lodge and garrison souldiers in that they 
{folio 25}
*{This referred to everie chief commaunders discretion.}* may bee nere to the traytors greatest strength and lett him not laye above a hundredth in one place, to the end, that he may, as it were pale; or wall in the subjects; that (when the peace is broken) the Traytors shalbee able to take nothinge from them, but what they must fetch in great daynger because he must then of necessitie come neere some one of those forteifed places.


These garrisons soe planted, and the Capteins and leaders knowen to bee valiant, let the Enemie come never soe strongelie.*{A few may hurt many upon an advantage.}* Yet even with these fewe souldiers they may anoy him in such sorte, that he shall pay verie deare for that which hee shall fetch from the subject because these garrisons must bee laied within six miles at the moste one from another, that they may ever bee readie to assist each other as occasion shall serve.*{Nere Neighbours maye ever help one another.}* 


*{Captaines who queitt[4](javascript:footNote('E590001-005/note004.html')) to do service must live with theyr Compaynes.}* The companies soe placed, the Capteines must not (as nowe they doe) lye drinckinge of wine and tobacco dyeing and surfetinge in townes and never live with their souldiers, if they doe the souldiers will doe nothing.*{Such Captaine, such souldier.}* For such as is the Captein such is the souldier, if the Captein bee industrious, soe will the souldier bee, yf the Captayn fare hardlie in his kinde, soe will the souldier in his kinde. Yf the Captayn be an extortioner soe will his officers and his souldiers bee;*{Everie man for himself.}* and to say truth why should the souldier forbeare to serve his owne turne havinge smallest meanes when the Captein shall exact uppon the subject havinge greater meanes;*{It is too much for the bad and too litle for the good.}* although I confesse with all my hart that the meanes are smale enough for a well deservinge Captein.


*{Such indeed should be chosen.}* Therefore the Captaynes should bee chosen specially, men of experience and good partes, who might be trusted to parle with the 
{folio 26}
traytors at their discretion and to have aucthoritie to use conference and meanes to discover the enemies practises.


*{Such maye bee trusted with Martiall lawe.}* Such Captens alsoe shoulde (in my poore Judgment) have commission to exercise martiall lawe uppon any vagrant or straglinge Rebell whome they shoulde apprehend, yea and uppon their owne souldiers (that shall offend) to keepe the rest in due obedience, which discipline will much strengthen these bordering forces.*{The use of a thing is all.}* A tyme of Cessation used to plant garrisons after this manner and to this purpose wilbe exceedinglie avayleable to her Majesties service. And what Captein soever should have this trust and aucthoritie, and should not then save the subject, and doe service (uppon every occasion) against the Enemie were worthie to be disarmed and another put in his place.*{He is worthie to be disgraced who hath noe grace to do service.}* 


Yf Governors would employ themselves and their 

*{The faulte is in the Governors yf cessations do harme.}* Forces after this manner and Conclud their peace uppon these Condicions those warres would soone be ended, for the Rebels should bee enforced to submitt to her Majesties pleasure in all thinges. But as matters are nowe used (pardon mee I beseech ye) what a dishonour is it to soe great and absolute a Prince as is her Majestie*{A question under correction.}* and to such an honourable Counsell as your Honour and the rest, that a sorte of base Traytor shalbe suffered to make their owne peace at their owne pleasure, and that all the Queenes Armie shalbe drawen to such disgracefull meetinges whose endes are allwayes tendinge to the good of the Rebells and discomoditie of the subjectes. For what reason is there to yeld to their requestes when if bordering garrisons were placed they would not come to annoy the subjectes,*{Truce will turne to peace by placing garrisons well.}* for they have allready taken all that the neere inhabitants had and to venture further in for that little which the souldiers have lefte the subjectes, I knowe they 
{folio 27}
dare not, because they must pas through many straites and places where if there were thrice as many as our souldeirs they shalbe sure to pay deere for the pray they come for.


*{So they should be whatsoever they are.}* Moreover (right Honourable) her Majestie hath many forren Enemies (for those I account domesticall being as they ought to bee her owne vassalles) which Enemies when they shall understand by many reportes and letters that those savage Rebells of Ireland,*{Such scandall maye arise.}* (proceed at their pleasure and are permitted to make what Compostion they list) wilbe incouraged not onely to give them assistance,*{Our remissnes maye encourage our Enemyes.}* but to annoy us, as much as in them lyeth otherwise. And in the meane space they will curse themselves when they perceive it was their owne Cowardice and not any valor or worth in our nation 

that hath compassed and performed any action upon them sence they see us soe basely beaten by a sorte of naked savages wherefore (under favour) mee thinckes your Honour*{It were well some better course were taken.}* and the rest should be incited to move her Majestie to take some course which may Honourablye prevayle agaynst theose base Traytors which may bee easelie done if it may please youe but to observe what I have here written.


And because there are many Servitors who stand for preferment, lett everie one of them as well Governors as other sett downe in writing,*{Every man sett downe what he is able to doe.}* unto the Generall how they purpose to imploy all their Forces in every place to the end he may understand how the subjectes where they shalbe resident shalbe defended and the rebelles cutt of, And what Governor or other Commaunder soever that stands for preferment, and will not undertake either to defend or offend or both 
{folio 28}
is (in my opinion) unworthie of the same,*{He that hath cost the Queene much and can do her litle service is nothing worth.}* speciallie if hee bee one that can describe twentie yeares experience and imployment in Ireland at her Majesties great chardge. For everie straunger that was never in that countrie will say that yf hee were imployed*{Self conceit deceived.}* hee will not doubt to doe good service and soe I thincke he woulde if hee knewe howe. But it is a shame for a Commaunder, a Captein or any man in other place that hath been chargablie mayntayned uppon her Majesties purse (for manie yeares) if hee cannot sett downe a plot whereby her Highnes*{A man expert and valiant can give assurance of his service.}* and your Honours may bee assured of the service that he will performe her Majestie enablinge him with all the meanes fitting such an action as hee shall undertake: Hee I say that is not able to doe this is (in my poore Judgment) unworthie of ymployment.


*{Zeale provoketh but reason restrayneth.}* I have much a do in this place to forbeare settinge downe my opinion concerninge everie particular province because I am famylierly acquayted in ech of them, where to place souldiers in garrison both to deffend and offend. *{It were expedient}* But of purpose I will spare that labour for that I wish everie Governor and other Commaunder and great officer should be commaunded to shew their sundrye censures for the rest of the Provinces, as I have done myne for the recoverie of Leinster and Connaught which I will make more manifest when I shall see others to have decleared their knowledge: In the meane space I am assured that if Leinster and Connaught be once reduced to obedience, Mounster wilbe easely reclaymed.*{Who knoweth how to do it.}* The meanes and manner how, I leave to his experience and skill who is, made Chief Governor there, as it is fitt.


Concerninge Ulster I wilbe bold to discover 
{folio 29}
my opinion, which is, That if her Majesties Forces were disposed in such places*{This is yet but by the way.}* as I could appoint those Northern Rebells would quicklie curse the tyme that ever they were Traytors especially Tyrone whome the Irish now call ONeale. For yf the Queenes Forces were well imployed to offend him and other great Traytors.*{When our forces shall prevayle, his frends will fall away.}* I do knowe there is a stronge parte in Ulster which would then Joyne themselves with her Majesties Armye and assist the same soe as the Forces were layde where they might offend the Archrebells and defend such as would come in when they had don great service even uppon the saide Chief Traytor Tyrone.


*{An accidentall discourse.}* For when I was last with him there came many men of the best sort that appertayne unto him and sayde unto mee thus: why dost thou seeke to perswade ONeale to submit 

himself to the Queene when thou seeth him growne soe proude by having us soe firme and constant unto him, as now he hath: for indeede none of us dare forsake him though wee be weary of this kinde of life. And although he doe love thee, and (as it hath bene thought) thou hast loved him, yet will he not be ruled by thee to make and conclude a peace; therefore gett thee away and tell the state yf the Queene were for herself then wee would bee for her and until that tyme let her looke for, noe peace, soe long as this ONeale doth live; and those whome she doth now trust, who are his frendes; For there is nothinge determined for his hurt, butt hee doth quicklie know it. Yett not withstandinge when we shall once see that the Queene is for herself,*{That is when her forces shall prosecute him thoroughlye.}* then will we be for her alsoe, yea and the first that shall doe her great service. This (uppon my credit) is most true and beinge 
{folio 30}
soe what can these Rebells doe otherwise then as nowe they doe, be adherents to Tyrone who though they be Lordes of great territories, yet of themselves are a greate deale to*o* weake to contend with that mightie Traytor.*{They follow him more for feare than for love.}* 


I do knowe there are many opionions delivered to your Honour for the prosecution of those warres especiallye agaynst that Arch traytor Tyrone. Yet because I have been greatly wronged both to her sacred Majestie and to your Honour that in my regarde of my love towards him, I would not willingly doe service upon him.*{Bad construction wrongs good meaninge.}* To clear that suspition this is my offer, that if ever I be imployed that way, there is noe man shall doe him such harme as I will.*{An offer in true zeale.}* In the meane Ceason I will bee bould to shew my opinion, how her Majestie may prevayle greatly against 

him and that in short tyme.


Yf her Majesties Forces may bee bestowed as I shall here sett downe, Tyrone and his shalbe not onlye constrayned to live of themselves, and spend onlye of their owne but her Majesties good subjectes shalbe defended and preserved.


First it is necessary to prevent all the causes which have overthrowne all the deputies actions, who have hitherto gone with great Armyes against him of which Hunger both to horse and man hath bene one speciall,*{An Armye must feele no famyne.}* wherefore to offend him and to be free from this and other lyke miseries this is my opinion.


For this yeare those forces which her Majestie purposeth to mayntayne for prosecution of the warrs there (everie province having 
{folio 31}
their proporcion of horse and foote) let them bee thus disposed.*{How to dispose the forces for this yeare.}* 


*{Two Armyes to stirre together.}* Those which are appointed for the North and those for Connaught lett them stirre together aboute the beginning of marche and not passe the midst of that moneth.


*{Let this report shadow the purpose.}* Let it be given out that the Armye of Connaught goeth to take Ballishanon and that other for Ulster to fortefye the Blackwater, and to keepe the passage of that Ryver; and the fortification bruted abroade to be on the further side.


These Armyes stirringe soe together will cause ODonnell and Tyrone to drawe their forces together longe before their accustomed tyme;*{This is to great purpose.}* which will greatlie anoy them. And *inflict* greater myserie upon them than can *fall* upon her Majesties forces. Soe 

as there be a great proportion of vittuales layde in at Carlingford and the Newyre.*{A speciall place for the staple of vittayls.}* 


*{Ardmaugh must be refortified.}* Lett the Armye that goeth upon Tyrone goe noe further than Ardmaugh, and to fortifie that place as it was, which done then leave such a proportion of horse and foote*{Horsemen must be stirringe.}* there as may be stronge inough to keep Tyrone still busied betwixt that and the Blackwater. And soe soone as the Armye shall come unto Ardmaugh to leave it to be fortified by the forces which shall there bee in garrison.*{Garrison to fortifie Blacke Water.}* 


*{Parte of the Armye to retyre.}* Then let the rest of the Armye fall presently backe towardes the Newrye. And when they shall come to a place there cauled the viijt mile Churche in the midway betwixt Armaugh and the Newrye then let*{A forte at the viij myle Church.}* 
{folio 32}
them fortifie agayne. And garrison there such strength of horse and foote as shalbe thought sufficient.


*{These garrisons must not be Idle}* Lett them not bee ydle but stirringe as opportunitie shall serve them. And lett their speciall chardge bee to keepe all wast aboute them. *{that is unfed by any Cattell.}* And their chiefest care to command all such grounds (neere them) as they shall finde fitt for meadow to yeld them hay for their horses against winter.*{Horsemeat for winter.}* 


*{One maye help another.}* These two garrisons thus placed (with the help of the garrison of the Newrye) shalbe able to fetch their meanes at all tymes from the Newrye: And to strengthen themselves at their pleasure. And by their stirringe in March, Aprill and Maye: there wilbe great plenty of grasse about the midst of June, at which *{Good tyme for grasse growinge.}* 

tyme (and not before) it would be fitt for the Lord Deputie to stir if he should stirre at all.


*{The Lord Deputye need not stirre that way.}* But were my opinion of power to perswade he should not stirre that way at all. But there should be a Lord President appoynted for that Province of Ulster as there is for Mounster.*{A lord President for Ulster.}* And in June let this armye be made stronge both of horse and foote: And soe goe forwarde to tak in Blackwater and to fortefie it.


*{On which side the river Blackwater is to be fortefied.}* The fortification thereof were but to be on this side of that River untill the Fort shalbe made. And then they shalbe able without losse to gayne the further side of the water even at pleasure.


*{Men must stirr that horses may live.}* And yf the souldiers at Ardmaugh will bestirred themselves lyke men, there wilbe plenty of grasse (growen in the tyme before mentioned) betwixt that and the Blackwater for their horses.


{folio 33}*{At the Commaunders discretion.}* The fewer horses will serve when the foote come to the river. But they maye remayne at Ardmaugh and some of them be still stirringe betwixt that and the Black Water


*{Safe conveyance for vittayles.}* The staple of vittayles beinge at the Newrye soe much thereof as shalbe needful may be conveyed to the Blackwater in great safetie, the garrisons being placed according to these directions.


*{The benefite of the spring must by all meanes be apprehended.}* But yf the opportunytie of this beginninge of the yere be lett slippe and these thinges unperformed, there wilbe noe meanes left in Julye or August for the Armye to feed one horse or Beeffe about Ardmaugh and the Blackwater.*{The traytors do never want good intelligence.}* Because the Traytors who have good intelligence at all tymes what is intended towards them (long before the forces shall stir that way) will drawe all their cowes and Garrans theither to devour all their grasse thereabout which cannot be prevented 

but by the meanes here sett downe.


*{Yf there be a Lord President appointed for Ulster his best place of residence is Ardmagh.}* Yf it shall pleasure her Majestie to appoint a Lord President of that great Province of Ulster lett him be resident at Ardmaugh; And when he hath forteified the Blackwater (or whilst that is in doing) with some convenient forces repayre towardes Monohan.*{Monohan the Countrey where the Macc Mahouns do inhabite.}* And at the end of six myles which is the first halfwaye betwixt Ardmaugh and Monohan where he shall fynde fittest place, lett him fortefye and leave a competent number of horse and foote to garrison.


*{Garrison at Monohan.}* When he cometh to Monohan lett him alsoe fortefie and leave a stronge garrison both of horsemen and footmen there.


*{Fortification betwixt Cloonys and Monohan.}* From Monohan let his passe onto the Abbey of Cloonys which is alsoe xij myles from Monohan. And in the mid way let him alsoe fortefie and garrison.


{folio 34}*{A strong garrison at Cloonys needfull.}* Att Cloonys lett him not fayle to fortefie and Garrison verie stronglie, because it is a speciall place by which those Northern Traytors are accustomed to passe when they will venture into the Pale. And soe are other of the former recyted garrison places.


*{All these garrisons must be strong in horse.}* Yf all the garrisons be strong in Horsemen the Traytors will not dare to stir because the countrey is all Champayne from the Newrye to everie of those aforesaid places of garrisons and soe unto Cloonys exceptinge a few paces not worthy the speakinge of: for with the troupes of Horsemen, they may at all tymes goe one to another.*{Paces are wayes that are heawne through woods.}* 


*{Safe passage from garrison to garrison.}* In the lyke manner may they passe from Cloonys (unto Kells and not be troubled with any pace savinge one) and that is verie nere Cloonys


*{A staple of vittayles att Kells.}* Att Kells it were fitt a staple of vittayles should be provided to serve the garrison at Cloonys and those in the way thither.


*{The distance of Kells from Cloonys.}* From Kells unto Cloonies is thirtye miles wherefoe at the end of everie tenne myles a Fort for rest and rescue would be made and mayntayned.*{One newe forte will serve in that 30 myles.}* And the makinge one onlye (in the xxxtie myles) will serve and be sufficient which must be at the ten miles and next unto Kells for at the end of xij myles and within viij myles of Cloonys, there is a stronge Castle which standes firme and fast for the Queene. And is in the Custodie of Capten Reylie. There shall neede noe more Companyne to remayne at Kells upon her Majesties charge than just soe many as shalbe needfull to attend the vittayles.*{A few to attend vittayles; men inough at Kells.}* 


The Countrie there about may well inough 
{folio 35}
looke to their owne saftie, for ife theye wilbe provident they can loose nothinge after the garrison be once placed as aforesaid.*{That Country will be secured by the garrisons.}* 


*{2 septs of Rebells wilbe brought to obedience.}* Moreover the OReylies and the MacMahons wilbe thereby soune brought unto obedience upon whatsoever Condicions her Majestie shalbe pleased to impose.


*{This half brother of Tyrone will forsake him.}* Then will Terloe Mac Henrye Joyne with her Majesties Forces and before his Cominge in, he will (upon my knowlidg) give a great blowe to some about Tyrone.


*{Longford a good place for a garrison against ORourke and the OFarralls.}* In OFarrall his countrie called the Countie of Longford even in the Shiere towne, Longford (which is neere the countrie of ORourke) lett there be a stronge Garrison placed both of horse and foote, which may not onelye commaunde all the OFarralls who for the most parte are all Traytors. But it will 

likewise offend ORowrk in such sort as (if the Chiefe Commaunder of Connaught be a man that will be stirringe) hee may suppresse him and his at his pleasure.


*{It maye doe good upon some in Connaught.}* Besides, this Garrison layd at Longford is soe neare the Shanon as it may often tymes doe service upon the Traytors of Connaught which remayne in the Countie of Roscoman because it is the next adjoyning to this Countie of Longford.


*{A bridle for braynsicke Jades.}* These bordering garrisons once placed alongest Tyrone and at Longford in the beginning of this springe, wilbe such a curbe unto the Northerne Traytors as will restrayne them from runninge into Leinster as now they doe.


This Garrison at Cloonis must of necessitie be strong both in horse and foote
{folio 36}
because they lye in the chiefest strength both of the Mac Mahouns and Maguier, and uppon Cormack Macc Baron brother to Tyrone.*{Proud traitors A divelish t*r*aytor.}* 


This Garrison settled at Cloonis this sommer and enhabled in winter to be stronge agaynst the next Springe then will it be fitt for them to goe with those forces to Loughfoyle and Ballishanan. And they have but one pace to passe into those two places which pace is neere unto Cloonis.*{Cloonis a good restinge place for the forces of Loughfoyle and Ballishanin.}* 


I doubt not but many will say that it is noe stirringe of an Armye in March.*{Objection}* True it is, if the necessitie of the service did not urdge expedition; *{Aunswer.}* But as the case standeth, the solduers must needes indure some hardnes, and better were they to undergoe it in the beginning of the yere when Sommer and warme weather is approchinge 

then when Sommer is spent, and foule coulde stormes of winter draw on.


The greater matter that can be aleadged against the stirrringe of an Armye in March is the want of horsemeat, which must be thus holpen. As there is a great proporcion of vittayles sent to the Newry for men soe must there be provision of Oates made there for horses to serve the Armye untill grasse be growne.*{As foode for men soe Oates for horses must be provided.}* 


*{Tyrone's brother in law and his frends cutt of from him by this garrison.}* Dundroume is likewise a verie necessarie place for a garrison of horse and foote, who (yf they wilbe stirringe) maye greatlie offend Maggennis and Macharte and others thereabout and defende Lecale in such sorte as in shorte tyme they wilbe able to live upon the Queenes entertaynment having meanes in the Island to relieve them.*{After a while.}* 


{folio 37}*{Better at Belfast than at Knockfergus.}* It were expedient alsoe that some Companyes of horse and foote were layde att Belfast and none at Knockfergus savinge those which are allowed to keepe the Abbey and the Castle for the layinge of men in Knockfergus (as hereto hath been accustomed) is to noe purpose: for they can neither offend the Enemy nor keepe anythinge to relieve themselves: Yet Knockfergus is to be respected for a place of store.*{A good receptacle for vittayles.}* But laying them at Belfast they shalbe able everie day to doe *a* great service. And to command both the great and the little Ardes even to the River of Strangford*{The Ardes may be Comaunded.}* , soe as there be three Fortes buylded upon the River*{3 new Fortes to be builded.}* which incompasseth the Ardes which may be easely done and kept. And yf the Captains of the same be paynfull 

servitors they may command the Lord of the great Arde as they please.


*{A good place for a Garrison.}* There maye be alsoe a garrison at Edenduff Carick nere Lough Sydney. And they are easely to be vittayled from Knockfergus.


*{Two places in the woods.}* When the garrisons of Belfast are stronglie fortefied and made masters of Kyluto and Kylwarlen. Then with the strength of Edenduff Carick they may goe as they thincke best to the Roote towardes the Bande, and plague the Scotts which are never true.*{Borderers upon that water.}* And there to fortefye upon the Band.


*{Therefor it were pittye to lose oportunitye.}* If all these garrisons be thus placed this yere (and the Commaunders thereof doe their duties) Tyrone shalbe more offended this next sommer and the next winter 
{folio 38}
than he hath bene in all these sixe yeres past. But leavinge this undone, lett mee lose my credit if he sustayne much damage.


I know there wilbe manie opinions and reasons yelded for the placinge of Garrisons at Lo*u*ghfoyle and Ballishanon which I am content to approve soe as they be sent in fitt tyme; and stronglie and safelie landed there.*{Theyr opinion allowable with conditons.}* 


*{The tyme expressed for fitt sendinge to Loughfoyle & Ballishanon.}* Because your Honour may knowe when that fitt tyme is. It shalbe best to send them to Loughfoyle and Ballishanon when her Majesties forces shall prevayle against the Traytors of the North as they doe now agaynst her Armye and her subjectes; makinge us quitt one place after another which have bene fortified to her Majesties*{It were well this were not true.}* 

great chardge and to retyre ourselves unto good Townes.


When her Majesties Forces shall in like sort prosecute them, drivinge them still before us as they doe us now and wee followinge and beatinge them in their strongest fastnes, and sitting downe by them in the places aforesaid.*{Noe more haste then good speed.}* Then the next Springe after that: lett Loughfoyle and Ballishanon be undertaken, and not before for yf they be sent now, smale service wilbe done.


All the service they shalbe able to doe this sommer and the next winter wilbe but to sett themselves downe and to expect the great famyne that is lyke to fall upon them.*{Slender service.}* 


And because your Honour may judge it must 
{folio 39}
needes be soe, it may please you to observe what forces of her Majesties have lyen at the Newyre and Dundalke, and alongst the countrie of Tyrone,*{Things Compared make truth aparant.}* and to note what service they have done and how they have offended the Traytors and defended the subjectes. Yf they have done neither of these but have bene layed amon*g*st her Highnes good subjectes (who have in a manner given them all they have had) and they never rescued any prey taken from the subjectes,*{This is noe wonder for all the service hath bene such.}* nor adventured to fetch any bootye from the Enemye what can be sayed yett to garrison them*{It may dow well but it is unlike.}* where no inhabitants are to succour them nor any defence for them, but what they must fight for the buyldinge of.


The garrisons of the Newrye and Dundalke 

have bene two thowsand horse and foote, and xij hundredth at the least yet have not all they kept the way passable from garrison to garrison,*{Eyther doubt or daunger or both did hinder it.}* that men might travell safelie, nor defended so much ground about them as would sustayne any cattle or beare corne, or other substance to relieve themselves upon any extremetie, but have depended onlye upon the meanes from her Majestie which have bene, are, and wilbe, impossible to uphold them;*{And many more in other places.}* and thousands of her souldiers in the Newrye and Dundalke have (in my knowledge) perished for want of vittayles.


*{Either they could not or they would not help it.}* When these garrisons were at the strongest, the Traytors have still kept their dwellings nere to either of them in peace without molestacion.


{folio 40}This beinge moste true, your Honour may judge what lykelihood of good service it carrieth to send a Company of poore unskilfull men to those remote places of Loughfoyle and Ballishanon,*{Such as are Commonly sent over.}* before her Majesties Forces shall drive the Traytors before them, and garrison (as I have noted) in lykely and possible places upon them, confrontinge the Traytors in the borders of their owne countrie, and (as it were) wallinge or Palinge in the the subjectes with those fronteringe Garrisons which beinge once done the warres may be as soone ended as those twoe harde garrisons planted.*{The damage of the traytor is the safetye of the subject.}* 


One thinge there is which I could wish were put in proffer.*{This were a good way to discover his frends.}* There are manye in her Majesties entertaynment who are 

thought to affect Tyrone; To discover therefore what affection they beare unto him; mee thinckes it were not amisse to imploy their service speciallie upon him, placing them in some of the commaundes that I have here mentioned; then if their service be not extraordynary havinge sufficient meanes from her Majestie.*{They wilbe ashamed to be soe.}* They shall shew themselves to be either notorious Cowardes, verie idle, or the Traytors frendes. But I am perswaded yf this Course be taken, they who are thought his greatest frendes will shew themselves his moste assured foes and one of them will doe her Majestie more good service,*{So sayd and so done had ended the matter.}* than all those who have been talkinge there many yeres of killinge him, yet never did hurt him.


{folio 41}*{This Armye and that in Ulster must kepe tyme lyke Musitians.}* Concerninge the Armye for Connaught (which is to stirre alsoe at this instant and both together to keepe the stronge Traytors busye in both places). Lett them for this sommer and the next winter sett downe at Slygoe and at the Abbeye of Boyle betweene which two lett there be placed a stronge garrison at the Governors discretion.*{Good places for Garrisons.}* 


*{A small proporcion for Athlone.}* At Athlone there shall not neede anye stronger garrison than may well be able to defend that passage.


*{A Convenient place for the Lord Deputye to lye att.}* This Athlone is (without exception) the most convenient place in all Ireland for the Lord Deputie his Resydance for the moste parte because it is scituate in the midst of the Realme by which meanes he may be ready to assist the service in which of the Provinces soever *he* shall have neede.


*{Spoken by reporte.}* I am crediblye enformed that the proporcion of souldiers appoynted for Ireland (which her Majestie do the purpose to mayntayne) is 12,000 foote and 2,220 horse, which forces as I here are to be thus imployed.[5](javascript:footNote('E590001-005/note005.html'))


*{The Forces distributed.}* Three thousand foote and two hundredeth and fiftie horsemen for Mounster, For the Queenes and Kinges Countye vz. Lease and Ophaly 200 foote.


For the Newrye 300 foote and 50 horsemen.


For Curlingford one hundredth foote.


For Knockfergus 600 foote and 50 horsemen.


For Loughfoyle 3000 foote and 200 horsemen.


For Ballishanon 1000 foote and 100 horsemen.


For Connaught 1000 foote and 100 horsemen.


For Kells and Dondalke 1200 foote and 150 horsemen.


*{As familierlye knowe as Dunstable waye.}* All these places are unto me (generallie and specially both by name and nature) familierlie 
{folio 42}
knowne, therefore (under your Honours pardon) I beseech ye it may be noe offence for me to sett downe my opinion what service these Forces thus devided can do whereof her Majestie and your Honur to her grief and yours I feare shall have experience.*{God turne yt to better.}* 


And whosover are the Authors of this Complott. Although I dare sweare they doe hate Tyrone and all the rest of those and all other Traytors (for if they should not theye were worst than devills) yet in settinge downe that proporcion of men for Lease and Ophalye,*{They have shewed good will but smale skill in this.}* they shew themselves as good frendes to the Moores and Conners as if they were their fathers. For eyther those two hundredeth souldiers are over many or over few, and this is my reason.*{Soe the number is not equall.}* They are too few to handle anye service, for a dozen men in either forte (with the wards 

*{A reason for the insufficiencye of the nomber.}* already there allowed) are inough to kepe them. And the rest are to*o* many to be there to noe purpose.


*{This spoken butt by the waye.}* And it were better to quitt those 2 places since the Moores and the Conners shall possesse the Englishmens landes in peace both in Lease and Ophalye.


*{A question under correction.}* Why should her Majestie be at the chardge of foure thousande poundes by the yere to keepe two Fortes amongst a company of Traytors and laye 200 poore souldiers in them who shallbe often tymes in daunger of starvinge, unless the whole Armye shalbe stirred to vittalye them.


*{Appelation to Judgment.}* This beinge true I appeale to your Honour whether it wre better to quitt them than to put her Majestie to such a needles charge when soe small a proporcion of men shalbe 
{folio 43}
unable either to offend the Traytors or defend the subjectes or succour themselves.


*{A supposition.}* Suppose the worst, that by quittinge the Fortes the Traytors raze and breake their towne to the ground. It shall be lesse damage to her Majestie when six monthes Entertaynment of that which those pettie garrisons shall Idlye there consume, will buyld at all tymes two new Fortes as good.


*{A retraction of the premises.}* Not withstandinge this argument of myne, that yt were better to quitt those Fortes than to keepe them with soe slender a proporcion of men, yet God forbid it should be soe.*{A commendacion of the buildiers intent.}* Because they were moste providentlie builded in those places by her Majesties predecessors to keepe those Moores and Conners in obedience, or at the least in Awe. And althoughe her Majestie have been exceedinglie 

abused there in her service,*{A competent number may doe convenient service.}* yet might it please her Highnes to apporcionate that competent number of men by me sett downe in the beginninge of the treatise of Recoverye for the reducinge of Leinster and particularly those two places. Yf then the Commaunder of those Forces doe not either banish or kill those Moores and Conners or bringe them to obedience,*{The sentence is but equall to the merite.}* let him suffer death, for he doth well deserve it. But if this or the like be not affected all her Majesties poore subjectes borderinge upon Lease and Ophalye,*{If there be noe other remedye it must needes be soe.}* must of necessitye forgoe their dwellings and loose their lyvinges or become bondslaves to Traytors whereunto they shall be enforced when her Majestie doth not defend them. And this is my simple opinion concerninge those 200 foote appoynted to the two fortes in Lease and Ophalye.


The Forces which are now to be sent to 
{folio 44}
*{Lit*t*le trouble and lesse harme.}* Loughfoyle and Ballishanon I am perswaded will doe verie smale hurte to Tyrone (although for a tyme they may troble him a little).*{God make the feare frustrate.}* But I feare they will offend her Majestie greatlie both for the losse of her expences and her people, as to your Honour hereafter wilbe made manifest.


Those Forces for Mounster are verie great and sufficient to reforme it to her Majesties pleasure, though all that whole Province were out in Rebellion For those of Mounster are the most Cowardlie Traytors of all Ireland.*{The forces and the governor are both sufficient.}* And there is noe doubte but the Lord President will doe her Majestie great service though they were otherwise; for with that power, he may both suppresse the Rebells and sustayne the souldiers because he hathe there good meanes.


Now touching the garrisons appoyted for 

*{Garrisons too farre to do anye good.}* Kells and Dundalke, they lye to farre of to doe any service. To prove it soe lett the service be examyned which they have done alreadye (when the number of horse and foote was farr greater than is now allotted). And if they have not alwayes left the Traytor unoffended and the subject undefended, then I speake without truth or Judgment.


*{These as insufficient as those for the 2 fortes.}* For that propocion assigned to the Newrye and Carlingford I hold the same opinion that I doe for the 2 Fortes in Lease and Ophalye.


*{A competent proporcion for those parts.}* The Forces allowed for the upper and nether Clannye Boyes which are assigned for Knockfergus may doe her Majestie great service there. Yea and (be the Traytors never soe stronge) bringe them all to obedience in a few yeres; after which it may be held without any chardge unto her Majestie yf 
{folio 45}
*{Cowardes do commonly make bootie of both sydes.}* he that shall Commaund there, be not a corrupt man, to live uppon her Majesties entertaynment and upon the subjectes there alsoe, both which he will doe if he be a coward. But if he be such a one, then let his lyfe answer it, the example of which Justice will teach other beware.


*{Another note concerninge those 2 places.}* Once agayne to those appoynted for Loughfoyle and Ballishanon, yf they doe goe now at this springe, soe as the other garrisons by mee formerly spoken of be undertaken at the same instant, I meane the Black Water, Ardmaugh and the rest. And that the two Armies (that in Connaught that in the Southeast parte of Ulster, and those Forces at Loughfoyle and Ballishanon) be all stirringe at one tyme then their goinge thither is lykelie to prevayle and and doe good.*{Fitt tyme and meanes maye avayle this service.}* Otherwise yf they be sent thither to trust onelie to themselves 

without the others approchinge the Enemyes countrie to kepe him busied: their service wilbe smale and their dainger may be great and her Majesties Charge (assuredlie) exceeding.*{They shalbe lesse able to serve att their landing.}* For they must be sent thither by sea because (the Traytors standing soe stronglie as now theye do) they shall not be able to make their passage by land.


*{What those forces must expect before they can be setled.}* When they shall arrive at Loughfoyle and at Ballishanon first they must provide to fight for the ground where they purpose to sitt downe. That obtayned they are to expect daylie assaultes and practises whilst they are in fortefyinge. This beinge past and theye there setled. It may be they shall gaine as much ground (without their garrisons) as will suffize (pardone I pray youe a homely comparison) to tether or feede a pigge upon.*{A smale gaine for soe great a venture.}* And yett that seelie beast not then safe, but soe soone as he is fatt if he bee 
{folio 46}
but left without their guardes the Rebells by one meanes or other will fetch him from thence. And to preserve but soe much ground as the soldiers must needes have to sitt downe upon at both those places will cost the Queene fortye thousand poundes by the yere.*{A great charge for smale service.}* And the service which the souldiers will moste attend wilbe to pray unto God to deliver them from those miseries which are like to afflict them there.*{Well may they serve God, for they shall not be able to serve the Queene.}* And to curse those who advysed your Honour of the Counsell to send them thither in a tyme soe farre unfit. My lyfe be the wager against his estate (yf he be not a Begger who layed this project)*{The wager is not soe vaine as is the project.}* that this will be all those souldiers wilbe able to doe, yf Blackwater and the other places be not undertaken before their goinge to Loughfoyle and Ballishanon.


*{They must be nere and bad neighbours that shall annoye Tryone.}* Some reasons I have alleaged before to which I add this: Yf Tyrone have noe garrysons layde nerer unto him than the Newrye, Dundalke and Kells; he will leave but a few to attend them (which wilbe sufficient) and drawinge his owne and ODonells Forces together wilbe of that great strength that the Queenes souldiers there garrisoned I meane at Loughfoyle and Ballishanon shall not be able to stirr out of their Fortiffied places but to exceedinge disadvantage and hazard.*{The daunger and the chardge wilbe much alike.}* Besides what a charge it will be to relieve them in their distresses I leave to your Honours most discreete consideracion; wishing the successe of our Forces might fall out otherwise, that youe might have just cause to reprove my Opinion.


The best meanes that can be devised to helpe this and to effect some speciall 
{folio 47}
service in setlinge these garrisons and to hold the Enemye on all seides busied, ys to deveid that Armie of Ulster into two partes;*{This is a sure remedy to prevent a certain mischife.}* The one to undertake Ardmaugh and the other for Cloonis; And both to be stirringe upon their Journey together. That power that is to goe for Clonys must take the way to Kells.


There ought to be small difference in the strength of either.*{A good reason why those 2 Armyes should be equall in strength.}* For althoughe Tyrone be held to be the stronger Enemye who will withstand those Forces for Ardmaugh and Blackwater: yet the other wilbe founde as stronge with whom those of Cloonys shall have to deale, if not the stronger of both.*{All these unyted ar as stronge as Tyrone.}* For unto that will ODonnell, ORourke, *Maguires* the Mac Mahounes, the OReylies and *Cormac* Macc Baran draw all their forces; Because all these 

and all the other great Traytors of the north wilbe loth to suffer the Queenes Forces to possess that strait of Cloonys;*{Indeede they are loth the Queene should have anye place.}* for that it will prejudice their passages towares the Pale, and alsoe offend them exceedinglye in their owne habitacions.


Then shall Tyrone be dryven to trust unto his owne forces, because the assistaunce of the other wilbe withdrawne from him to resist the Armye at Cloonys.*{Manye smale partes withdrawne will weaken the whole.}* And he shall want the ayde of his frendes the Mac Charthens and all the woode men Kilulto and Kilwarden and his allyance Magennis, and other great men of those partes by reason that they shall have inough to doe to defend themselves against the garrisons of Lecale, Doundromme, Belfast and the rest appoynted in those partes.*{Who have much busines of their owne can hardly helpe their frends.}* 


{folio 48}Nothwithstandinge these two Armyes of Connaught and Ulster (and that of Ulster devided) yet, if the proporcion sett downe in the first beginninge of the Recoverie for Leinster and Connaught which are 1800 foote and 150 horse be allowed of.*{Some of these few may be spared to helpe at a pinch.}* These may (if neede soe require) be spared 600 foote and 50 horse to help to strengthen those Armyes in Ulster, towardes Loughfoyle and Ballishanon duringe the somer service; soe they may be returned unto Leinster againe, against winter to follow the service there.


*{Those forces well Imployed ar*e* verie sufficient.}* The forces assigned for Connaught are most sufficient to reforme that, though all the whole Province were out in action. Soe as the Chiefe Commaunder be willinge, he may ther with such an Armye doe what service he pleaseth be 

he a native of that Country or whatsoever els (havinge good experience in the warrs in Ireland) he may soone end those warres of Connaught, Recover and reforme the Province,*{There need no more and there ought to be no less.}* hold the people in obedyence ever afterward, yea and within a few yeres, doe all this without anny charge unto her Majestie. Or els his life is worthie to annswer the wastinge of her Highnes treasure and her men.


*{Better without than within for their defence.}* Such souldiers as shoulde be garrisoned in the Townes of Dondalke and Anelye might more fittlye be placed without those Townes than within them.


*{One garrison devyded into three and the place where.}* Those appoynted for Dundalke to be devided in there places verie nere adjoyninge: vz: at Balliemoscanlon which towne and castle was sometymes the dwelling place of Tyrone but is now in the 
{folio 49}
possession of Sir Edwarde Moore, and is able to receive one third part of the soldiers assigned for Dondalke.


*{The second garrison.}* The second company may be planted in a Towne of Captain Richard Hovendens, two myles from Balliemoscanlon where there is a castle to receive and rescue the souldiers.


*{The third garrison.}* The third Company, in a Towne of Sir John Bedlowes called Roche Castle which is not two myles from that of Captein Hovendes. And all those three garrisons shall lye uppon the borders of the Fewes and skirtes of the mountaynes.*{The service is the reason of thus so placing.}* And by the placinge of the garrisons after this manner, there can noe Traytors stirre out of those mountaynes to offend anny subject betwixt them and the Pale but the are sure to be beaten. Yf the Captains and souldiers of those garrisons be men 

of any worth.


Lett the chiefest strength of foote lye att Baillemoscanlon for that is the greatest place of fastnes (as thinges stand nowe)*{The stoppinge of this passage will helpe to pyne the traytors.}* because it is scituate nere the straite of that passage where the Traytors doe now use to goe over either to offend the subjectes or to fetch provision from Droedagh or from their bordering frendes thereaboute.


*{Horsemen most needfull in those 3 Garrisons.}* It is verie needfull that all those three garrisons which are to be on the outside of Dundalk should be stronge in horses, because horsemen must thereabout doe the best service.


*{4 myles of the Countrye preserved by chaunginge the garrison place and better service like to ensue.}* Now for the Forces appointed for Ardye lett them be garrisoned at Louthe which is within foure myles of the same.


{folio 50}*{A woodland on the borders of Tyrone.}* This garrison shall border likewise uppon the Fewes and ought in like sorte to be stronge in horsemen.


*{Speciall choice is to be made of two Commaunders of those garrisons.}* When all these garrysons shalbe once thus placed, it shalbe convenyent to make choyce of such commaunders as shalbe well knowne to be men of good worth both in worldlie fortunes and warlike knowledge and such as are verie well acquaynted with the Countryes. And if I were worthie to nominate them knowinge all the men of note (both in that kingdome and of that kingdome) these followinge should without all question be speciallye selected to commaunde those places.


*{A meete man Nominated.}* The meetest man to be generall Commaunder of all those 4 garrisons last mentioned, is Sir Garrat Moore: who, (although he have bene thought to favour Tyrone) will (upon my lyfe) not onely defend the Queenes 

*{He will discharge as much as is undertaken.}* 
subjectes in better manner than moste men of Ireland can doe: but he will alsoe doe her Majestie other great service.


*{So please it her Majestie and her Counsell.}* And because he may be the better able soe to doe, let him have to his horsemen (now in her Majesties pay) one hundredth footemen allowed him. Lett him alsoe be made Lieutenant of the Countye of Louthe and receive of the Countrye for his fee a noble a day.*{He will deserve both the Entertaynment and the trust.}* Let him be likewise Captein of a hundred foote at the charge of the Contrye performinge such condicions as ar before mentioned in the recoverie of Leinster and have the choice of the Sheriffe for that County of Louth; and let not the Lord Deputye for the tyme fayle to use his opinion concerninge the service in those partes.


*{Another valiant gentleman.}* Ther is Captein Fleminge who hath a Company of horse in her Majestie pay, he lyeth upon the borders of Fewgh his Country where 
{folio 51}
he doth noe service. But (his mother havinge many poore kinsfolks) all his care now is to uphold their beggerlie husbandrye and tillage to feede himself and her and them.*{This is good but service were better.}* This man is valiant and able to doe *a* good service upon the North: because all his owne landes doe border upon the same. And there be all his kinsmen of his name. Let him have (beseides his horsemen) one hundredth footemen in her Majesties pay:*{Good for him, and for the Queenes service.}* And let him be appointed to remayne upon his owne lyvinge, and devide his men to such places as he shall thincke moste fitt. And for his better inhablinge let him have the Lieutenantshippe of Eastmeithe: And his opinion used for the choice of a Sheriffe for that countye to assist him.


*{A third valiant servitor.}* There is alsoe another valiant gentleman fitt to be employed upon the northern border 

who lyvinge now in Leinster doth very smale service savinge that by keepinge fayre quarter with the Rebells he doth upholde his owne and his kindredes husbandry, though other subjectes landes nere about him doe lye utterlye waste,*{He saves so much as his Neigbours do lose.}* and their goodes are many tymes driven through his possessions unrescued. His name is Capteine Greyme*s* who if (with his troope of horsemen) he were removed northward and appointed to live uppon some of the Traytors landes in those partes which border upon Tyrone and commaunded here to sett downe his dwellinge,*{Wynne it and weare it.}* and to garrison his horsemen as to him should seeme best, he might (as he is able) do excellent service.


*{A Gentleman of good parts.}* To have the command and the Lieutenantship of the Countie of Westmieth Fraunces Shane who is a moste honest religious talle gentleman is the fittest man. And Mollingar a stronge Towne in the said Countie is a 
{folio 52}
convenient place for a storehouse of victailes to serve the garrisons of Longford and Athlone if neede be.


*{His owne Castle is well situate for service.}* For the Countye of Cavane. Let Captein Reylie command there, and be appoynted to live at his owne Castle, which is neere the garrison of Cloonys: Let him dispose of his forces as he shall thincke best. Soe that he fortfie and place some of his companie in the midwaye betwixt his Castle and Kells.*{One Forte to be made betwixt his house and Kells.}* 


*{A Gentleman of note and fitt for that Commaunde.}* Captein St Laurence is the speciall man of imployment to command the Forces appoynted for Cloonis and to assist him that shall goe to Ballishanon who may rest at Cloonys with him until fitt tyme be to goe to that place. The reason why St Lawrence is the fittest is because he is well 

furnished with frendes and meanes.


*{Theyr brotherly amytie will strengthen ech other for he is brother to St Laurence by Mariage.}* Captein William Eustace his broher in law maye be fittlye placed as Lieutenant of the Brenye and be garrisoned with Captain Relye and lye with him at his Castle, betwixt which two gentlemen great service may be done.*{The union likewise will sort to good service.}* And the same shalbe a convenient place for such a garrison, because it standeth with viij myles of Cloonys.


The command of Monohan both the Forces and the Countie cannot be better bestowed than upon Sir William Warren whose experience and knowledge in those partes may doe her Majestie verie great service.*{He can there doe the best service.}* 


*{A fitt man and full of practises.}* No man may better command the Blackwater than Captain Thomas Williams who hath kept that forte heretofore, and is a man noted, and hated by the Northern Rebells for his pollecyes and strategems: wherefore 
{folio 53}
they being fearfull of him, hee may the better doe service upon them.


*{Their power and pollecyes and conjoined may prevayle.}* With him may be lodged the Commaunder of the forces for Loughfoyle that by their assistinge one another they may dayle be gayninge places in the Enemyes strength, as noe doubt they knowe both to gett and to keepe. Not gayninge a place today,*{They must hold when they have it.}* and quittinge it by and by, and fighting for it agayne tomorrow; But to winne a place, and by power and pollecye to keepe it.


*{As he is cheeife man, so is that the chiefe place.}* The Marshall himself cannot (in my opinion) be better seated there at Ardmaugh in regard his command and Entertaynments are great. And there is the best place to make provision for horsemeate against winter.


*{Good service is to be hoped of all, assuredlye of this one.}* These gentlemen thus imployed, her Majestie shall have verie speciall good service 

effected by them. For Sir Garrett Moore I dare gage my lyfe, he will performe as much as I have here undertaken for him. And soe I am pereswaded of the rest. *{To their utter discredite.}* Otherwise they will discover them selves to be (as in my former discourse I have noted them) either Idle or Cowardes, or great frendes to the Traytors.


It may be some will take exceptions to the Gentlemen by mee here named alleadging that Lordes of Countryes were the meetest men to have such great Commaunds:*{The exception is allowed upon the condicions followinge.}* which I willinglie graunt, soe as they woulde be painfull therein, lovinge to our nation, and agree with us in one selfe Religion. But in that whole kingdome, I know but three who will goe with us to Church.*{3 are but a few amoungst so manye.}* And it is a question whether two of them do it in love of Religion, or in pollecye to holde 
{folio 54}
*{The matter is doubtfull.}* their Credit with the State, Yf I shoulde speake my conscience I thincke it be for pollecye. Otherwise they could perswade some of the better sorte who depend upon them, to accompanye them to Church.*{They who love the Church well, love to see companye there.}* And not winke at their Recusancye and bee attended but by a few of their owne servauntes, and those but a few.


Besides lett but all the services which those Lords have done for that great entertaynment which they have of her Majestie be surveyed.*{Measure their service by their Enterteynment and the latter is the larger.}* And that shall sufficiently discover their zeale to her Armyes good successe, and the care they have, for the speedie suppression of this Rebellion, and Reformacion of their native countrie which will lykewise be manifest in them, thus.


*{They spare the Rebells for sparinge them and theyrs.}* They doe never seeke to cutt of or annoye any Traytors: except such a one as hath either endamaged them or some respected frend of theirs. And him will they persecutre and prosecute.


Otherwise lett the Rebells praye upon anye man whom they affect nott, be he never soe good a subject (especiallie an Englishman)*{God helpe the English for they will never help them.}* and though they utterlye undoe him and leave him not worth one groat. These Lordes will never stirr to ayde him, moreover to shew what affection they beare to our nation, there is not one Lord in all Ireland that would ever suffer any Englishman that could enable himself to manure his land to be his farmer, but he had rather let his land lye waste after the example of that great personage of whom I have made some mention in the begininge of my discoverye.*{This is noted in the Discoverie.}* 


{folio 55}*{To note all their faultes requireth a large margent.}* There is yett another note worthie observation, when an Englishman hath had land of the Queene which hath bene nere unto them, have they not suffred him to be preyed and spoyled, yea and driven from the said lande, and from his dwellinge. And they never have stirred to assist or helpe him.


These thinges being apparently true I humble referre to your Judgment whither it be fitter to trust these great lordes or those gentlemen whose frends are great,*{The best approved are best to be trusted.}* whose loyaltie is undoubted, and their sufficiencye approved, with the commaunde of those forces by me formerly plotted.


*{These lords could have been contented to have bene forgotten in both places.}* I have (I remember) in my discoverie noted certeen lordes who beinge bound by affinytie to Traytors do either stand alouffe or secretlie 

assist them, Now to cause all those Traytors to repent and curse the tyme that ever they ranne out in Rebellion.*{It is tyme they were gaimsters; they have bene lookers on too longe.}* And to enforce either them or their abettors to doe service, or at least to be guydes unto Capteins and serviters to direct their Actions, and to quallifie the merrye conceits of such great lordes (I meane seeminge subjectes) as now doe but stand and looke one,*{Let them laugh a while.}* and laugh at our simplicitye, who cannot finde out their subtell practises, whereby her Majestie is abused, and her souldiers beaten by the Traytors, would (unto some Judments) seeme a worke worthie notinge which to doe in verie deede is nothinge.*{They maske but in a nett.}* 


For might it but please her Highnes under her owne hand to sett downe, that noe principale Traytor (especiallie those of Mounster)*{This would marre theyr mirth.}* shall have any pardon or find anye favour except he shall simplye come 
{folio 56}
in unto the Lord Deputye, submittinge himself in all humblnes to her Majesties mercye, and truly discoveringe the Combynacion of this Rebellion. And lett that principall Traytor whom they call the Earle of Desmond be the first.*{One after another and serve all alyke.}* Then the White Knight alias Edmond Macc Gibbon, Piers Lacye, the Knight of Kerrye and the Lord Fitz Morris. These are the principall Traytors who have lands.*{One occasion is too much and one pardon too manye.}* Yf these or anye of these shall refuse to come in in manner aforesaid because all those doe take but one self occasion of Rebellion, and have received many pardons. Then lett proclamation be made that whosoever shall take or kill anye of these Traytors lands and hould them in the same sorte that the Traytors did. Yea though he be a Traytor and a leader of men amongst Traytors*{Give the Devill his due yf he do a good turne.}* 

that shall happen to doe this service. Let him not only have the landes of that Traytor whom he shall kill. But above her Majesties entertaynment for himself as a Captein, and pay for his souldiers and men that shall follow him to doe her Highnes further service.


It will llykewise greatlie further the generall proceedinge and helpe to end all those warres in Ireland,*{Such proclamations are to good purpose.}* yf there be proclamacions made of head moneye; which is reward for everie principall Traytors head (in everie Province) that is he that carrieth the name of Chief and is leader of the rest. Although as proclamacions nowe are made they will scarse gett a poore churles head to be cutt of) yet when the warres shalbe soe handled that her Majesties Forces are lyke to prevayle.


{folio 57}And that all the Traytors meanes shalbe taken from them, savinge such as remayneth amongst themselves (whereof they shall not be sure neither because the soldiors wilbe still taking from them as well as themselves spending) when the warres (I saye) shalbe thus ordered, and matters brought to this passe.*{It were well that all the Traytors heads stood upon one paire of shoulders.}* Then upon the makinge of these Proclamacions, I doubt not but there wilbe good store of bad heades cut of*f*, for although such as shall use this prodition will not merelie for the head money, or other reward (because they will not seeme to be treacherous) execute it themselves, yet upon faire promises and performance of benefites, they will direct some speciall commaunders which way they shall effect great matters, wherefoe if this course be followed your Honur shall soone perceive great service don even 

in shorte tyme, especiallie if they shall once pereceve her Majesties Forces throughlie to prevayll against the Traytors.


Concerning the Lordes of Countryes who are now but lookers on, and stand as it were indifferent, whether parte prevayle. Lett them be either Actors or guydes at least to the Captaynes and souldiers to prosecute the Traytors.*{They will do service befoe they will be brought to answer Justice.}* Or els lett them be committed (yf they will doe neither of these, which uppon my owne knowledge they canne verie well effect if they will) and it shalbe but Justice soe to deale with them, nay let say further, yf they were executed, they should be but Justlie dealt with all considering besides that there may be matter inough proved against them (by law) to cutt them of, if they should be brought in question.


{folio 58}*{The best service which the best men of Ireland can doe for her Majesties and their owne benefite.}* And the moste speciall service which the best and noblest subjectes of Ireland can doe for her Majestie and their owne future benefitt were, if her highness and your honours of the Counsell would be pleased to commaunde all the noblemen and Gentlemen of Ireland of what place or callinge soever to make their undelayed repayre unto their borderinge Landes, there to inhabitt and be resiant themselves in person, or some (at the least) of the next in blood and account to themselves to remayne upon those borderinge landes especiallie when these be castlels and places which may be held of great defence.*{It is of importance and requireth expedition.}* And for asmuch as this important matter is worthy of expedicion, yet may please her Majestie (after her pleasure herein signified unto them) to commaunde their repayre to 

be speedy even within fourtine dayes, or a month at the furtherest upon payne of her displeasure, and forfeyture of those their landes to her Majestie yf she shalbe enforsed to fortefie upon them; which landes (yf she shall be charged)*{This will make them looke about them.}* she purposeth to bestow upon those Commaunders and Captaeins whose service shalbe there imployed yf they shall survive to see those troubles ended and peace setled.


*{Playne dealinge were better than points of law.}* I know that the Owners of those landes will stand upon points of law that her Majestie cannot by law take and dispose those landes from them,*{There is a statute in Ireland for this allredy.}* though they live not upon the same themselves at all, I have noe skill in law, but I knowe reason. And I thincke (when they have most baselye left and quitt their Castels without any manner of enforcement) yt is noe 
{folio 59}
reason that her Majestie should upon (the proper charge) fight to recover and defend that land, which her noble progenitors gave to them and their Auncestors upon condicion they should defend the same.*{Given upon condition.}* But if her Majestie by her meanes be to fight for all to recover all, and be at all the charge,*{Conditions are broken therefore they are hers agayne.}* I hold it great reason that she (by her princlie prerogative) should dispose of all.


But because they may have care to defend their landes themselves, in forme as I have here sett downe, or as her Majestie and your Honour shall seeme more convenient,*{Accept good meaning instead of advise.}* I do (in my simple skill) hold it necessarie that such an Ordynance should goe immediatelie from her Majestie and not to be referred to the Lord Deputye and Counsell there, for then they will presume to have that strict course*{Which is common in Ireland.}* through their importunate 

suite and other meanes) soone altered. But when it is determined once by her Majestie and Counsell here, they will have great care to performe all that shall be sett downe.*{For bribes cannot helpe them.}* And when the same shalbe determined (pardon me I beseech youe, to Deliver my opinion) I should thincke it verie good the same should be signed with her highness owne hand, that the Lord Deputie maye have one in Leinster to show. And the serverall Governors of ech Province may have the like.


*{Theyr backes are broken with bearinge already.}* God forbid that this should extend soe farre as to hurt any Englishman, who have lost their blood and their lives, and have bene planted there to enhabite since her Majesties owne tyme; for they have bene most pittifullye betrayed by the auntient dwellers in Ireland*{They who are worse do recken us no better.}* who do account all those which came theither in her Majesties tyme
{folio 60}
noe better than heretickes.


*{Let them pay for their popery or alter their opinion.}* Since therefore they are soe constant to their holye father the Pope lett but that imposition be layed upon them whereof, I have already spoken, and then I am perswaded your Honour shall shortlie here that some of them will change their Opinions.


*{This digression is necessarie.}* Happelye some will thincke that I have digressed verie much, whilst, I have bene declaring what service those Lords and great men of Ireland may doe her Majestie by lyinge upon their borderinge landes, but if it please them to note what a comfortt and strength their residence there would be unto her Majestie Forces (cheeflie to the garrisons confronting the Enemyes Countryes) if they should (upon 

anye occasion)*{Everie little helpeth.}* lend them but the least assistance; they shall finde this digression falleth fitt to my purpose, which is, that by reason of the garrisons and*{United power is stronge.}* the dwelling of these great men upon the borders, noe Traytors shalbe able to annoy the good subject butt to his disadvantage.


*{He that climbeth a steepe rock must goe by degrees.}* The garrisons then placed as I have here noted, and the strengthes about the Blackwater and Cloonys mastred; then may an army of one thousand (beying stronge in horsemen) passe to Loughfoyle and Ballishanon: whereas now (thinges beinge as they are) they cannot goe with lesse than foure thousand foote beseydes horse. My reason is, why they should be strong of horse. For that (when 
{folio 61}
they are once but foure myles from either of these garrisons of Cloonys and Blackwater) they have no one pace to passe, nor scarcelie anye bushes untill they come to Loughfoyle and Ballishanon.*{A pace is a passage through a wood.}* 


And for the more safetie of those forces which shalbe ymployed upon Tyrone: Let those two (whereof mention is made to be devyded, the one for Cloonys the other for Ardmaugh)*{They must be as brethren or as true frends.}* bee ready to assist ech other to withstand the violence of the enemye duringe the tyume of their fortyficacion, which beinge once done, they may sitt downe in their garrysons the more securalie.


*{Cloonys quickly fortefied.}* That at Cloonys may (in two dayes) be made soe wardable, that twentie men may keepe yt against all the North, because there are many good walles yet not broken downe. Besydes there is a church that may soone be fortified. But this purpose must be kept verie secreat 

*{Prevention will be used yf Councell be not kept.}* for feare the Enemye should gett intellingence and prevent the Queenes Armye of that Fortyficacion by rasying downe those remaynes of buildinge to the grounde, both at Cloonys and Ardmaugh.


*{Follow the best to prevent the worst.}* Yf this course be neglected, and that followed which by other mens advice is sett downe, theye shall neither defend the subject nor offend the Traytors but have ynough to doe to defend themselves.


*{A simile of a great tree.}* For as yt is impossible to cutt downe a great Oake, growinge in the midest of many thicke bushes and prickinge thornes, untill those thornes and bushes be shred away, and the place made playne round about yt. So ys yt unlyklie to overthrow Tyrone, until (by borderinge garrisons round about him) the way be heawen out nearer and neerer his strength and some places therein mastred;*{When a tree stand naked stormes have power over him.}* which ones effected he standes not longe after.


{folio 62}*{Where God is served the princes service doth prosper.}* And that these affaires maye prosper and succeede the better. It is requiste for the service of God that there be a Minister apoynted in everye garrison, with such competent allowance, as shalbe though convenyent for him.


*{Objection.}* Some will say (peradventure) yt is not possible to vittaill these garrisons.


*{Answer.}* Yf there be sufficient store of vittayles provided att the Newrye and the commaunders of the garrisons know not how to fetch them, havinge nothinge but playnes untill they come to the furthest place which is Cloonys and at every sixe myles or tenne myles end a place fortefied for rescue and safetie: The Commaunders (yf any soldieors should starve through want of foode) are worthie to suffer death for the same; synce they may fetch yt without any daunger. And that 

garrison of Cloonys may be relieved from Kells as conveniently as the other.*{Answer.}* *{He that may have foode for fetchinge who will pittye him yf he pyne.}* Yf the Commaunders and soulddiors (haveinge faire playnes and places of rescue) will not fetch their vittayles, what pittie is yt yf they fast.


*{Not by heresay butt by experience.}* I doe not speake by gesse, as some have done here of late, who havinge been but in one or two partes of Ireland yet will take upon them to sett downe plottes and projects how to handle all the service in Everie place of that kingdome;*{Nimble witts will flie before they can goe.}* which is impossible for them to doe. But I deliver my opinion for the settling of those aforesaid garrisons, as he who hath seene them all and doth know them all to be the onely places that may most offend those Northren Traytors.


*{But after a better maner.}* Nor doe I take upon me the Managing of these warres against those Northeren Rebells, as Commaunders and Capteins have 
{folio 63}
done heretofore, who never went into the Traytors strength to handle service upon them; But when with her Majesties Armye they have mett to fight with the Rebells have like tall soldiers be taken them to their heeles,*{One payre of heeles worth 2 payre of hands.}* thinkinge they have done good service in saving themselves; and yet such actions have upholden the Creditt of such men.


*{Soe should Commaunders and captains doe}* But my opinion for this action, is like unto an honourable Commanunder and worthie Captain who hath ever beaten the Traytors in all places, and prevented all their purposes. And yett the credit of such honourable and worthie servitors hath hitherto bene commonlye depressed.


*{As are named alreadye.}* Nevertheless yf these aforesaid garrisons be furnished with such garrisons and Captaines they will gayne as great creditt as ever did any, and doe her Majestie (in short tyme) speciall good service upon Tyrone, which is the 

reason that I have named divers gentlemen and Capteynes, as fittest to Commaund these places of garrison, and not as if I would presume to direct or appoint but onlye yeld my opinion,*{Not direction but opinion grounded upon knowle*d*ge.}* because I know if such be soe placed and be well disposed to be industrious and carefull, they are able to doe her Majestie farre better service (in those partes) than any other, in regarde they have great meanes and knowlidg how to effect it.


*{The traytors may be overthrowne and yet not slayne.}* For they know *the* way the Traytors may be overthrowne, although the souldiers should not kill one of them. Because youe breake the harte of an Irish Traytor yf youe enforce him to live and to keepe his cattell within his strength which he shalbe constrayned to doe, if her Highnes Forces doe but master the playnes: The accomplishment whereof must be by the strength of horsemen.


Now for the footemen, although it do not 
{folio 64}
*{A man may speake though he instruct not;}* become me to instruct or direct Commaunders and Capteyns how to behave themselves in handlinge the service, yett out of my long experience I wilbe bould to deliver my opinion, which is this.*{for the footemen.}* 


*{An imitation of the Owle.}* The Commaunders and souldiers (of those devided garrisons) must imitate the Owle, who seeketh her pray in the night for yf she stirr in the day, she is sure to be beaten. Soe must they be stirringe in the night and place themselves in such streyte or passage, where through the Traytors are accustomed to passe to endamage the subjects. *{An advantage by close lyinge.}* These lyinge close (upon their guard) though theye be but few, and the Traytors many, yett may they greatlie annoy them. As may be judged.*{Sodyne assaults will terrefy traytors.}* For when the Traytors shalbe sodainely assayled, beinge, uncertayne of the nomber of the assaylants (as they will 

imagine, that a smale number dare not undertake them) it will soe amaze them, as they will not be able to make anye speedy resistance. But suppose they should, Those few souldiers may (in the night) fall of at pleasure.*{Prettie and approved pollecyes.}* And the Traytors dare not prosecute them, for feare of Ambuscadoes layd to intrapp them. But admitt they durst and should, Those few might scatter themselves, and slippe home to their garrison.*{All these are likely suppositions.}* The traytors uncertayne, of which garrison they are, will cease to pursue them. And to venture further to fetch their pray from the subjects, they will hold it noe pollecye for soe they maye doubt to be sett upon in their returne.


*{A note how a few men may doe good service.}* Now for a few men to do good service in the day when they perceive a stronge Enemye in the Countrie, spoylinge the subjects, then are theye to hasten unto 
{folio 65}
some streyt or pace whereof necessities the traytors must passe, there settinge upon them, they shall soe indamage them as either they shall enforce them to leave the pray behinde them, or at least soe knocke them as they shall have smale encouragement to adventure the like where now they fetch what they please from the poore subjects and are seldome or nevere prosecuted.*{As bouldly as yf all were theirs.}* 


Thus I saye (by my owne experience) must Capteins and Commaunders deale, yf they will defend the subjects.


*{Though the traitors be manye they cannot live together in grosse.}* For although the Traytors be often tymes over stronge for the souldiers, yett in respect they are not able to keepe their strength (for any tyme) together, a Commaunder who hath skill and courage to goe where service may be done (leavinge but the fourth man that the 

Enemye is able to make upon his gatheringe) will beat them out of their Countrie, dispossessinge them of their dwellinges, yea and (by lying in their greatest strength will hinder them from plowinge, take away their prey, and even debarre them from their fyering,*{The traitors may be kept from plowing and fyering.}* which to your Honour may hapelie seem strange, that the Traytors should be kept from their fier, which they are accustomed to have plentyfullye by reason of their great store of woodes. But to make the reason apparent thus it is.


*{Fyre by night is seen a farr of therfore the Rebells will make none.}* The warre beinge followed as it ought to be, they dare make noe fyers in the night (especiallie in their greatest strength) for feare of beinge discovered soe farre of that anye well disposed servitors (with their third man of theirs) maye and will
{folio 66}
draw himself soe covertlie upon them, that he will endanger the killing of manye of them, or at least inforce them to leave their furniture, which is to them as great an overthrow as the losse of many of their men. Soe that by prosecutinge them (after this manner) they will not dare to make anye fyers in the night: Yet fier of necessitie they must needs have otherwise they cannot live, yett will they indure much; This then will be their shift.


*{Fiers in the daye.}* In the daye tyme to make great fiers even in abundant manner; because in the day tyme the fier is not seene, and a great smoke (by day) doth shew lyke to a cloude.*{Coales of the dayes burninge serve for night warminge.}* The coales of these great fiers made in the daye tyme 

must then serve to warme them att night. And yf the idle traytor have occasion to goe forth in the night to provide for himself and for those of his charge of whome he taketh care, then those coales must serve his wyfe, children, aged parents, his familye and frends, to comfort them untill he returne with other relief.*{He leaveth his famulye by the fier whilst he goeth to filtche.}* But coales of greene wood especiallie cannot last half a winters night, therefore through could must manye of them of necessitie perish.


*{This is one issue of diligent service}* So to this miserye shall those savage Traytors of Ireland soone be brought, yf the warres maye be but once followed in such manner as were expedient.


*{Hold them to horse meat.}* And let the souldiers be soe placed that the traytors maye be enforced to feede 
{folio 67}
upon themselves, and take nothinge from the subjects but what they must fight for; the warres will soone be finished and the Rebells confounded especiallie yf the souldiers be somtyme takinge from them, that (as the traytors be feeding, and the souldiers by preying) their store may quickelye be spent.*{Yf the Rebells feede and the soldiers take of their store all will be quickly spent.}* 


*{A simile of subtill thieves though the comparison hold not.}* To offend the Traytors yet further in their places of strength and fastnes (as they terme yt). The Governors and Capteins must deale as subtell thieves are accustomed, send out their spyes into the Traytors strengths to escrye how they live and where they use to lodge. The spye and some few souldiers must make many Idle Journeys into the Traytors countrye. And all 

*{Lyke goodsbyes.}* the day tyme they must lye close in some place of advantage to view and note how the Traytors behave themselves all the daye tyme and how they bestow themselves at night. Soe by often using of this practise they shall become expert guydes in the Enemyes Countrey yea better than many of the Traytors themselves.*{As the olde proverbe, use maketh perfite.}* 


*{After good observation prosecute service.}* This being advisedlie looked into they may undertake the service and be ever anone galling the Enemyes with out damage to themselves. And come upn them in the night and slea them lyinge fast asleepe.


*{Labour conquereth where rest cankereth.}* The souldiers beinge thus valiant and strirringe and gatheringe themselves into the traytors strength, were the Traytors five hundredth and the souldiers but two hundredth they would nightlie be taking 
{folio 68}
away the Rebells goods, and in verie short tyme beat them quyght out of their fastnes.


*{The Rebells may beat the souldiers by the same observations.}* Contrarywise yf the souldiers lye still in their dennes and fight but by fittes, the Traytors have the same advantage of the souldiers which I have here made manifest, for the souldiers to take of them. Insoemuch that by the same observation the Traytors understandinge when the souldiers come abroade they will with one hundredth beat five hundredth of ours, I will say noe more for shame; Soe that it is not the day service which is but now and then but stirringe in the night (and that often)*{Night walkers are allwayes dangerous.}* which shall make our souldiers both expert and which by the spoyles they take of the Traytors and in short tyme Impoverish the Rebells, and uttrerlie roote them out. And this (out of my experience) is the Course yf over youe will have any service effected.


*{Another objection}* Whosoever shall object that it is necessarie to garrison souldiers in the Townes which border upon the Rebelles Countrie let him be answered thus:


*{The answer.}* Although Dundalke and Ardye do border neere the most strong and daungerous Enemye Tyrone especiallie Dundalke,*{Dundalke noted speciallie.}* yet by setlinge the garrisons (as heretofore I have mentioned)*{How the townes may be safe without souldiers lyinge in them.}* they shall both be so secured as they may be well eased of garrisons and reserved to relive the poore hurt and sicke soldiers for the better recoveringe of whom,*{For pheisick and surgerye.}* it were necessarie a Phesition, a Surgion, and an Apottecarie should be mayntayned in either of them, and likewise in dyvers other townes at her Majesties and your Honours of the Counsells pleasure which neede not be anye charge to her Highnes, but to the Recusantes of the said Townes, and Countries nere adjoininge.*{The Recusants may defray the Charge.}* 


{folio 69}*{A speciall proviso for Dundalke.}* And for that Dundalke shall not hereafter secretlie harbour and relieve Traytors as it hath done and daylie doth. It were expedient a captain should be appooynted to lye in the strongest castle or hold of the same (as there are many of reasonable good strength) and to have twentie men allowed to ward the Castle,*{A Captain of that towne verye needfull to hinder the secreat access of traytors.}* and to guard his person when he shall have occasion to stir in the Townes, to search for Traytors that maye secretlie creepe to their frendes, or to visite the hurt and sicke soldiors and to see them carefullie provided,*{The office of a good Captaine.}* both for lodginge, diet, and attendance by the Phisition, Suregeon and Apottecarye which course taken wilbe a great encouraginge to men to goe to serve in Ireland when they shall understand what provision is there made for them to lodg them in the houses of the best and moste able men of those Townes and 

not amongst the poore who are not able to yeld them any succour as the custome hath bene, and now is.*{The best would not, the rest could not.}* 


*{Many townes may be spared for this use, that doe no other good.}* Me thinckes alsoe it were not amisse to spare manie other great Townes to stand in steed of ghest houses for reliefe of hurt and sicke souldiers untill they might be better provided for, than now they are: For it is a pittifull thing to see poore men sterve and dye (who are there hurt and sicke) and noe care taken for theme, nor regarde had of them.


*{The prayers of the poore are effectuall.}* Yf your Honour would vouchsafe to be the author of soe good a worke yet would bynd a great number of poore men to pray for youe.


*{The service is sure to be accomplished by these meanes.}* All these services (or so many of them as to her Majestie and your Honour shall seeme most necessarie) wilbe the better and sooner 
{folio 70}
putt in execution and performed, yf it may please youe to be a meane, that the Lord Deputie may have absolute Authoritye and power to dispose of all landes, states of inheritaunce, and other Casualties which shall fall unto her Majestie by this Rebellion in Ireland: Reservinge all rents and revenues which her Majestie or her progenitors have or ought to have had.


*{Checks converted use.}* And that all the checks for insufficiency of Companyes, may alsoe rest at his disposing. Soe may he be able (on what nomber soe ever her Majesties Forces shall consist) to add unto the Lyst a fourth part more (by erectinge new Capteins and Comanyes as he shall see occasion to strengthen the Armey) and yet her Majestie to be noe further charged.


*{What Checks cannot, lands may.}* Yf the saide checkes will not beare it, yet his 

Lordship (havinge the absolute disposition of all lands, Offices and escheats whatsoever) shall have meanes thereby to satisfy all his extraordynaries,*{Such men doe expect such benefitts.}* and to give Contentment to all governors of Provinces, Captaynes and well deservinge souldiers without the which men will have noe more spirit to drudg and toyle in those Irish warrs than a Beare hath to be drawne to a stake, where he is sure of an yll turne, and hath noe hope of any good; for even soe it fareth with the Capteins that serve in Ireland.*{They fight with small courage, whoe hope for noe commoditye.}* 


I am alsoe of opinion that it were verie needfull the like allowance were given to everye Governor of everie province namelie all the checks which shalbe imposed upon the Captains and Companies within his Jurisdiction, to be at his disposing, towardes the manytenance of manye Bonnotes (of the Irish)*{Bonnets are voluntarye soldiors of the reduced Irish by whom much good service may be donn.}* whome as speciall Instruments and servitors he shall have occasion to imploy; by whose 
{folio 71}
meanes divers exploytes might be accomplished. For whosoever shall have the managing of the aforesaide service of Leinster may (no doubt) induce many of them to Joyne with him for the cutting of the rest of the obstinate Traytors.


And whereas I have apporcioned for the Recoverie of Lenister and Connaught, but onlie xixten hundredth and fiftie souldiers horse and foote; *(1950)**{In divers good respects.}* Yet would I wish him who shalbe appointed chief to follow that service to putt uppon the List six or seaven other to be Capteins who should (amongst them) have the leadinge of six or seaven hundredth men in the Queenes pay and yet should her Majestie be not further charged than with the pay of the 1900 and 50 aforenamed save onlely that the Checks of those Companyes should defray that charge of the new erection of the reduced Irish.


*{The benefit that such allowance would bringe.}* Yf this were allowed unto everie Governor for this and the lyke purposes in everie Province 

yt would cause the Governor to looke carefullie to the sufficiencye of everie Capteins band. And when the Capteins should soe that the Checks (for insufficiencye) were putt to use for payment of present charges (where of them selves must needes be eye witnesses)*{The expence is less grievous when men see the bestowinge.}* then everie Captein would keepe his Companye full and strong, nay more, for his pay onlie for a hundredth from her Majestie, he would keepe vj xx *(120)* at the least.*{An industrious Captain may better kepe six score than he that is idle can kepe sixtie.}* For since the paye would not beare yt; he would be more paynfull and more forward upon the Enemye than now he is, to defraye the charge of his surplassages. And that Captein which is industrious and forwarde upon the Enemye shall gaine more by keepinge xltie above his number, than he that is idle shall doe by keepinge xxtie fewer. I know that by experience, and therefore I dare avouch yt.


*{He that is most forward deserveth the first and best payment.}* The Captein therefore which is soe carefull and adventurous deserveth to be well payd 
{folio 72}
that which is her Majesties allowance: Yea and (me thinckes) thee should be a difference in the payment of Captaynes; that the painfull and forward Captayne should (as he well meriteth) be payde before him that lyeth still and doth nothing: of which kinde I ame sorye to knowe soe many as I doe.


When the Captains shall take this Course, her Majestie shall have noe benefytt by Cheques (and she were better want checks than good service).*{Better noe Checks than no service.}* The Governors shall not be benefited by checks wherewith to pay his extraordinary Captaynes:*{Yf Companyes were strong Checques would be weake.}* he must then (yf he will not charge her Majestie) be thincke himself of some other meanes within his Commaunde to satisfie them withall: Even by the spoyle of the traytors which by their owne valor and industrye (with the souldiers assistance) must be atchieved,*{First take the spoyles then judg of the worth.}* which spoyles (how smale soever they may seeme) 

will suffize to content manye extraordinary Captaynes if the warres be well followed and the severall garrisons once placed as aforesaid.


*{A Commaunder resembled to a good Gardiner.}* Then must everie Captein and Commaunder in chief in everie Province, doe like a good gardiner who soe soone as he seeth but one weede put up his head, cutts yt imediatlie of, and when weather doth serve, plucketh all the rest up by the rootes, otherwise shoulde he have noe gardeyne of herbes, but a wilderness of weedes; whereof it would be longe before he could be able to purge his grounde though he should have great helpe. Even in lyke sorte must the Commanunder and Captein be stirringe to cut of Traytors when they are taken stragling or but peepinge out of their strength. And when they shall have understanding of anny place that uphold them with livinge (as in their strength are many who mayntayne them) the 
{folio 73}
Captein and souldiors must never give over that place untill they have destroyed man, woman and childe: the onelye readye waye to finish those rebellious warres.*{Yf the seede be spared the weed will grow againe.}* 


*{The hanging of one dissembling frend is better than killing xxtie open foes.}* And as I have often sayde before the executing of one dissembling subject within (which is a sure frend to some Traytor abrode) relieving him, instructing him, and mayntayinge himn in his villany is a greater service than the killing of twentye base Traytors. For, take their frendes awaye who live within amongst us; the Traytors without are quicklie confounded.


*{What her Majestie may challenge by givinge this Authoritie.}* But yf this shall not be thought fitt to be allowed to the Governors of Provinces yet for the Lord deputie yt were moste necessarie; For havinge this absolute power her Majestie may justlie taxe him yf he performe not great service.


*{Though the Lord Deputie lacke power it is pitty good servitors should lacke preferment.}* But yf he shall fayle of this absolute Authoritie and prerogative, yet me thinckes it reason that Capteins should be aswell dealt withall as Traytors who often tymes have their pardons and great lands bestowed upon them after they have bene Traytors. Then insteade of pardons which are usuall to traytors for noe desert; Lett the good servitor (in recompence of his service) reape reward, and be raysed in Reputacion. And (for the better enabling him to lyve and sytt downe by the Action he shall undertake). Lett him have the landes of anye Traytor whome he shall banish or cutt of by his paynfull indevors bestowed upon him by her Majestie, by your Honours meanes, and the rest of the Lords.*{For the incouragement of him and other.}* 


*{Some traytors may be pardoned and some Captains preferred.}* I do not thereby debarre some Traytors from beinge pardoned, such (I meane) as shall 
{folio 74}
unfaynedlie submitt, and before their cominge in shall doe some speciall service deserveing reward.


Your Honour by procuringe soe large a Commission for the Lord Deputie, and such reward and respect to the good servitors shall inlarge your owne Honour and cause all the martiall men of Ireland faithfullee to honour and love youe.*{Martiall men do honor those that advaunce them.}* 


*{Feare of tediousness hasteneth an end.}* I know I have bene over tedious in this treatise of Recoverye pardon (I beseech you) my zeale, which hath carried mee beyond the bent of my purpose. And yet have I omitted many thinges both necessarie and noteworthie for want of tyme, though I confesse I have bene longer about it than I thought I should have bene;*{From recovery to Reformation.}* neverthelesse I must not slippe by any meanes those speciall pointes of reformation following: which I suppose pertynentlie to depend upon the 

Recovery.


*{An allusion to the body of man.}* For as a bodie cannot be sayd to be soundlie recovered from a feaver, soe done as the fittes doe cease, untill by good phisicke and holesome dyett the same be brought to his former state of health: Noe more can a common welt untill the Enormyties be purged and the same reformed by good orders and disciplyne.


*{A remembrance of a promise in the discoverye.}* Againe I should breake my promise made in the Discoverie, if I should not show my opinion how Ireland recovered may be in many thinges reformed; and there imediatelie ensuing are some of them.


*{Where officers are corrupt Enormyties abounde.}* To reforme manye Enormityes growne by the greatnes and Aucthoritye of such corrupt Officers (some of them Counselors) whom I have spoken of in the discovery it were convenient (I thincke) to remove them from their high offices, and to leave 
{folio 75}
*{He that hath well scraped may live of the scrapps.}* them to live upon that which they have scraped together: yea and (if he can be soe farre touched) to make an example in Justice of some one of them.


*{Lawyers to their bookes soldiers to their blades.}* Let the Lawyers be left unto their profession onlie; since neither their lawe nor opinions can doe her Majestie service, nor steade her Subjects there, especiallie in any martiall matter. And lett him that is knowne worthiest of them all, hold both the chief place of Justice and Conscience.*{The justest man is worthy of both.}* Soe shall the poore subjects of Ireland have the benefite of Equite in both these Courtes of Justice, and of Conscience. For as the case now standeth Conscience is there bought and sould, even as a Beast in a markett; He that giveth the best, shall the least.*{The marke of Conscience.}* 


Whereas the Bishoppes of that land (who are Counsellors) by their Counsell and opinion 

neither have done nor doe further her Majesties service in martiall matters, noe nor get in other causes of state.*{Their heavenly bookes layed by for worldly busines.}* And that the Gospel (wheither by their secular imployment or their neglect) hath hitherto had noe better successe (noe not in the tymes of peace).*{More Masses than sermons where the state is held.}* And that for everie Sermon preached in Dublyn there be six masses suffered at the least: And that when some of the massing Priests are taken and commytted, they are for bribes sett at libertye: As I have seee to many of that sorte of men so enlarged: mee thinkes it weare not amisse to disburden them of all the burthen of State affayres, and to leave them to their profession and function.*{Everie one to his function.}* In followinge whereof carefullie and as they ought they shall finde busines inough to imploy their tyme in, although they shall never 
{folio 76}
trouble their heads with state matters at all, yf they will performe their ecclesiasticall dutyes as they ought.


*{There are questions too hard for them to aunswer.}* And yf her Majesties pleasure shalbe (att any tyme) to call them into question for their corruption, I will manifestlie produce sufficient matter to take away the goodes and (perchaunce) the lyfe of the best of the them.


*{The fittest counsellors to assist the Lord Deputy.}* To assist the Lord Deputie in matters of that state (the same beinge well considered) such martiall men whose Actions and experience are knowne to be great in that kingdome, are the fittest to be of that Counsell. And yf such men were soe placed, youe should see her Majesties service goe forwarde in a better manner and with more speed than hitherto it hath done.


*{Shuch will performe whatsoever they propound.}* Yf men of such kinde and qualletye were of the Counsell, yf anye of them should propose any matter of Action which should be thought verie difficult to effect: he would take it upon him and performe yt himself, or els lose his lyfe therein.


Againe yf he should yeld his opinion concerninge anye matter of Commoditie which might growe to her Majestie and her kingdome he would in like sorte take upon him to rayse her highness profitt, without damage to her subjectes or els he would lose this Reputacion which (to an honest and honourable mynde) is worse than death.*{Death is less than losse of Reputation.}* 


Yf yt might please youe to be a meane that men of Action should be thus graced, your Honour should rayse those who have bene over longe depressed, whom 
{folio 77}
youe shall finde to be both profitable stewards and valiant servitors for her Majesties honour and commoditie, and your Honours assured in all true service and love.*{Such know how to save as well as spend the Queenes treasure.}* 


*{No more of that makinge.}* But to make Counsellors now (as the custome hath bene here before) of such as are knowne notorious cowards, who never in their lyfe did strike one stroke with their swords either to defend their owne reputaction (when they have had good cause) or to cutt of anny Traytor, what hope can therebe of them to performe anye service to her Majesties honour and profitt? I am sorrie in my haste to see soe many (of this kinde and qualetie) counsellors alreadye.*{But sorrowe will not help it.}* 


This shalbe one speciall meane both to recover and reforme Ireland, if neither Bishopp, Laweor, nor Captein be admitted but 

such as are knowne of sound Conscience and integritie: soe shall God, the Queene, and Common wilt be well served.


Pertayning unto this and the rest of the requisite partes of the Recoverie of Ireland, there is a speciall peece of Reformacion to be put in practise, namelie this following.


*{Neither God served nor honesty sustayned.}* There are in everie provynce divers Bishoprickes, the worse whereof is yerelie worth a c li. Yett is not the word of God trulie preached, nor the Sacramentes dulie ministred in any of their diocesses. Because the Bishoppes (as moste of them) are knowne and noted to be drunckardes and dishonest persones*{Notable prelates.}* wherefore (in my opinion) yt were a thinge verie necessarye (until such tyme as Ireland should be brought unto a better Course) that their lyvinges should be sequestered and bestowed upon the erecting and mayntayninge*{Converted to this use}* 
{folio 78}
of her scholes in everie Shire, which scholes in everie Province and shire wilbe a good meane to bringe all those people unto a better understandinge both of their dutyes towardes God, and towardes their Prynce.*{For yet they knowe neither.}* 


*{All men will be willinge to sett their sonnes to schooles.}* Now to induce all men to sett their children to learninge at the saide schooles, the teachers wherof muste be chosen such as are of a sound Religion and honest behaviour (not papistes and lewde fellowes as now most of them are).*{Better teachers must be provided.}* Let this order be taken and Authenticklye sett downe and observed on payne of Death: That not anye one borne in that Realme (either of English or Irish parentes) shall ever weare anye weapon, savinge such as can speake good English and will goe unto the Church accordinge to her Majesties lawes.*{Teach them to do good or restrain them from hurt.}* This penaltye sett downe and dilligentlie looked unto, wilbe a motive to stirre them up as well the poore as the rich to put their children 

to schole, be yt but onelie to learne the English tongue.


*{Helpe for hurt soldiers without charge to the Queene.}* And whereas (heretofore) I have delivered my opinion how the hurt and sicke souldiers may be relieved, and in this place how free scholes maye be erected, and mayntayned; and both without any charge unto her Majestie.*{An example to Recusants.}* Because the Recusantes shall see that I wilbe as forward and readie to beare parte of that burthen my selfe, to the furtherance of soe good a worke as any of them; this is my offer which I will willinglie performe.


The Towne of Athye standeth in the midest of all Leynster, in which provyence my dwellinge is.*{A fitt place for a ghest house.}* In respect therefore of the situation Athye is the fittest place, whereinto buyld a ghest house to relieve the hurt and sicke souldiers of that Province, which ghest house maye be the more 
{folio 79}
easelie there builded because of the great store of stone which is there in readynes.*{Good furtherance to a good worke.}* 


*{A generall contribution.}* Lett this ghest house be buylded at the Charge of the whole province: towardes the contynuall mayntenance whereof I will yearly give xx li.*{A guifte to the ghest house.}* And for performance of the same I will give assurance out of all my landes and lyinge lying in that Towne of Athye and nere adjoyninge, that the said twenty poundes may be yearlie payed out of my rentes to that ghest house forever.


Furthermore because those late mentioned Bishopps, shall well understand that it is not for anye mallice I beare to their persons *{Not for mallice but for reformation.}* (though I mislike of their condicions) that I would have their lyvings (whereof they are most unworthie) sequestered into the Queenes hands, and so to remayne, untill there be a thorough and 

*perfect* Reformacion in Ireland; I will be bound to give (towardes the mayntenance of a free schole in Athye)*{A private guift for a publique schole}* fortye poundes by the year for ever, and to buyld the schole house att myne owne proper cost and charges. And to put them out of doubt that I meane as I say, I will assure the Abbey of St Johns in Athye which is myne, with all the landes about the same, and all that I hold of her Majestie by purchace (for many yeares) to that use. And whether those Bishoprickes shalbe bestowed to that good purpose or not, or still remayne in the handes of those drunken and bad persons, as now they doe yet (soe that this ghest house may be buylded)*{To procure it to be built.}* I will not onlie give that yearlie towardes the building thereof. Butt I will be bounde to buyld and mayntayne the said free schole in Athye at the said Abbey of St Johnes with the allowance and aforesaide at my owne proper charge.*{A soldiers myte.}* 


{folio 80}And untill this or the lyke Course shalbe taken, thowsandes of poore souldiers shalbe lost, as now they are, and the people shall contynue barbarous and savage which might easelye be reformed. For (in my owne knowledge) everie begger is willinge to have his childe taught to speake English.*{Therefore it were pittye but redress should be found.}* 


Next unto this part of Reformation may follow another, that ys, whereas Jesuites, Semynaryes, massinge Priests, fryers, and other religious Romanistes,*{These are the fosterfathers of Rebellion.}* doe generallie great harme throughout all Ireland; especiallie in the Cittyes and Borough Townes whereunto ys the greatest resort and concourse of people; Seeing that imprisonment is to them noe punishment, because that (for bribes) they doe soone obtayne their liberty.*{Bribes are picklockes to let them out of prison.}* It were fitt (in my opinion) that this course were held with them when any Jesuites, Seminarye, Priest or Fryer shalbe 

taken in anye Cittye or Borough Towne, where there is a Mayor, Bayleffe, Portrieve or Soveraigne (as they terme it in Ireland)*{Names of Majistrats used in Ireland.}* or anye other such officer. Let the same Jesuite, Seminary, Priest or frier together with the partie in whose house he is taken be ymprisoned, duringe the pleasure of the State. And then sett at libertye both he and his host who gave him Entertaynment. But at the tyme of his enlargement, lett this be his punishment: to be branded in the face with a hott yron, that all men maye knowe him by that marke what he is.*{A marke for a masse monger.}* And yf afterward the same Jesuite, Semynarye, Priest or Frier, or other religious Romanist whatsoever soe taken and marked shall happen to be apprehended in anye Cittye or Borough Towne where anye Majistrat is. Lett him be delivered to the 
{folio 81}
Lieutenant or Sheriffe of the Shire to be executed (by martiall law) as a Rogue or ydle vagrant.*{Limite him by a halter who will not live within his bounds.}* And for his host that shall give him Entertaynment after he is soe branded and marked;*{A good proviso for a popish priest harbourer.}* Lett him not onlie forfeit all his goodes towardes the maytenance of the ghest hosue for the relief of hurt and sicke souldiers; But alsoe indure imprisonment at the pleasure of the Lord Deputye: Or at the discrecion of the Lieutenant and Sheriffe of the Shire.


*{The example *is* good.}* There is as great reason (in my opinion) to execute these men, who are soe daungerous, as to execute poore soluldiers who are at command to enter their lyves in her Majesties service;*{Such is the discipline of warre.}* for they (yf they breake but a proclamacion the transgression whereof is sett downe to be death) 

doe suffer for the same, as requistite it is; otherwise there would be noe obedyence nor disciplyne. Wherefore (I say) there is as great reason to execute any of the saide kinde of religious Romanists yf (after a proclamacion made in that behalfe) they shalbe found and taken (in manner aforesaid) in any of the same Cittyes or Borough Townes when as they have too much libertye to live in private amongst their frendes in the Country of which sort there are too many.*{They have few or no Enemyes of the native Irish.}* And yett when those frendes have payd (but a few yeares) that which I have formerlye spoken of, they will (noe doubt) waxe wearye of their noble father the Pope,*{They may prove chargeable brethren.}* and of those his children the Jesuites, Semynaries, Priests and Friers seeing the cherishinge of them and of their owne superstitious Consciences 
{folio 82}
proves soe dere. And they wilbe the more grieved when (through the light which good scholes and soe consequentlie the better successe of the gospell shall show them) they shall perceive their owne Errors.*{Grace may growe by degrees.}* 


*{Ireland hath neede of all.}* These things putt, in practise, would (in my Judment) do much good in that Realme of Ireland.


Another great mischief ys likewise to be prevented. That where as all the traytors who are souldiers have for the moste part bene trayned up even from boyes to the state of men by our Capteins and souldiers and then put into the Queenes pay;*{Boyes trayned with us become soldiers with the traytors.}* And upon small discontents (making want their Coulor) have runne to the Enemye and turned traytors. 

To prevent which inconvenyance for ever hereafter,*{It is tyme it were remedyed.}* yea and alsoe to prevent the secret and subtill returne of those traytors souldiers into any of our bande, the Capteins entertayninge them not knowing them to have bene Traytors and fugitives. Let this Course be taken.


*{A penaltie to prevent this mischiefe.}* That no Captaine upon payne to lose his Companye and to indure three moneths imprisonment; nor any Officer or souldier of any band upon the losse of his place and lyke ymprisonment, doe take or receave any boy (into the Companyne wherein he serveth) nor any Irish souldior, unless they do bringe Certificatee under the handes of most honest and well knowne Subjects,*{Such a testimony is halfe a tryall.}* how they have behaved themselves and spent their tyme, for the space of one whole yere before. And yf it shall 
{folio 83}
appere they have lived amongst the Queenes loyall subjects in good order for that tyme, then lett them be entertayned. But lett noe souldior that hath bene knowne a traytor be received into anny Band unless (as I have often tymes noted before) he come in upon the performance of some good service.*{Soe shall he be tried before he be trusted.}* Then acquayntinge the Lord Deputye or the Generall of the Forces there withall, and they or one of them giving allowance for the entrye of that souldior lett him be received and put into the Queenes paye.


Except this Course be taken this Inconvenience will grow, especiallye when the Rebells shalbe well prosecuted and 

driven to extremytie: which they must be or els those warrs will not be ended.


The Rebells beinge well followed and forced unto extremyties, as (by the meanes by me propounded) in short tyme they maye be; and become base traytors, runninnge from place to place. Then will their vittayles grow scarse and begine to fayle them.*{As foode doth fayle so the flies fall away.}* And then will they either turne awaye all their boyes or els the Boyes will runne awaye from them. And soe will many of their souldiors and both will be receyved into some of our Companynes of horsemen or footmen.*{They will come to us for succour.}* The souldior hewill goe into that Province where he is not acquaynted; because he would not be knowne to have bene a Traytor which to 
{folio 84}
prevent I have here sett downe a sure course.


*{Souldiors must have boyes.}* But for asmuch as there is a necessitye that Capteines, Officers of bandes, and souldiors (both horsemen and footmen) must have boyes, It were (methinckes) good pollecye that a proporcion of Boyes were yearlie sent out of England*{Boyes from England to be sent into Ireland.}* (where there are too manye ydle youths to spare) into everie of the foure Provinces. And because the Armye is now great; the proporcion of boyes must be the greater. And that everie three souldiors (once garrysoned) maye be allowed to have amongst them one boye.*{One boye for 3 souldiors and his allowance.}* And for the mayntenace of that boy everie souldior have allowance of a penye by the daye, more in 

lendings (abating it either in his apparel or some other thing, that the Queene may be noe further charged)) more than now he hath, towardes the mayntenance of the saide boye to attend three souldiors. Soe the boyes allowance shalbe iij d. per diem.


*{When boyes should be sent.}* The best tymes for the sending over of those boyes wilbe att the beginninge of the springe that they maye be seasoned and inured (before winter) with the Ayer of that Countrye.


*{What good Boyes may doe in tyme.}* These boyes in some few yeres wilbe made readye souldiors. And the yearlie sending over of boyes thither (soe longe as neede shall require) wilbe a meane to strengthen and uphold the Companyes both of horsemen and footmen: So that men of greater yeres may 
{folio 85}
be spared both there and here, to follow husbandrye, and other necessarie traids.*{A meane to save them from hanginge and whippinge.}* It wilbe lykewyse a good meane to evacuate England of many ydle youths, who live at their libertye everie where (especiallie about London) and are ymployed in no good business.


This being allowed there shall not hereafter be anye of the boyes of the Irish birth trayned up amongst us. Whereby the traytors might be strenghned as now they are. *{Birdes of our owne broad are better than of a strange nest.}* Butt the sonnes of her Majesties naturallye borne English subjectes shall serve for the warres of that land; which wilbe much better for us because I know (by experience) that the trayninge up of the Irish boyes in our companies doth daylie annoy us, and that verie much.


*{None but the ignorant will make question of it.}* To object that boyes are altogether unnecessarye, were vayne. For such is the necessitye of those warres as a souldior cannot by any meanes be without a boye. Yett were there never soe few boyes (in our bandes) as there are at this instant; by reason they are gone unto the traytors with whome they had rather abyde then with us, because the Rebells live in such plenty and pleasure.


There is another great inconvenience which requireth remedye to save both old and new souldiors who doe now perish through want thereof.


*{Husbandrie for souldiors clothinge.}* No souldior is able to live and follow the warres (in Ireland) without a mantell, which all the daye defends him from the weather and is at night his house and 
{folio 86}
lodginge. What hart or curage can a poore soldiour have to fight or what strengthe to performe any action? Or abillitye to march and beare his armes? When he shall either want meat, or meanes to keepe him warme.


Suppose there be one amongst twentie (and I would there were soe manye) who is of that constitution and resolucion to endure both hunger and could;*{Yf the numbers should grow noe greater it would be longe err an Armye could be raysed.}* one amongst twentie ys but fyve of a hundredth; then what shall become of the rest? Shall they (because they are not able to undergoe such hardnes) be lost? God forbid; for although he that is of that fortitude to sustayne all bruntes of extremitie and necessitie (and yet doe service) be worth xxtie other, yet must not the rest be cast awaye, for soe a Realme maye soone be dispeopled 

and charitie and Christianitie quite abandoned.*{It is a pitty to lose men that may be saved.}* But it is an easy matter to save (though not all) yet the most parte of them alive, yf equitie and Conscience maybe but used in their Clothinge and diet: And her Majestie at noe greater charge than now she is.


*{Change of Aer will trye mens constitutions.}* Both the Aer and Earth of Ireland are moyster than of England, therefore such clothinge as will best defend the body form that annoyance is fittest for the souldiors, which, (uppon my knowledge and creditt) I undertake to be the freize and mantles of that Countrye: and touchinge the necessities of the mantell, noe souldior can there live without it.*{The Queene truly served the soldior well clothed.}* Then this is the way to furnish the souldiors and neither beguyle her Majestie nor them.


{folio 87}The souldior maye have more and better apparel (for his purposes) than nowe he hath and withall two mantlles everie yere (which nowe he hath not) the charge beinge all *the* one.*{By good husbandrye.}* 


*{Allowance of soldiors apparrell and the price of everie parcell.}* Everye souldior is allowed everie yere to have two Capps, sixe payres of stockings and sixe payre of shoes. For the two Cappes the souldior doth pay vj s. viij d. For everie payre of stockings ijs vd. For everie paire of shoes ijs. iijd. In lieu of his two Cappes of vjs and viijd price, let him have foure cappes at viijd the cappe which will cost in all ijs and viijd. There maye he save iiijs to buy him a mantle.*{The soldier of Ireland must needes have a mantle and here is one gayned. Allowance of Cappes.}* Those 2 Cappes which are now appoynted are called *Monmouth* Cappes, and are good to hunt and hauke in but naught to goe to warres in: for a souldior cannot with any ease or Conveniencye 

were his murrian upon one of them. Besydes they will not defend the head from wett but sucke it in like a sponge. The Cappes which I meane are Cappes of the Scottish fashion made of Irish frize; whereon the souldior may were his murrian it defendeth the wett longe and being wett is soone drye; soe will not the Cappe of iijs iijd.*{Less cost and more commodious.}* Agayne the souldiers may have two for one, and ever keepe the one of them drye, soe hath the foure Cappes for two: these at viijd the piece those at iiijs and iiijd the piece.


*{Allowance of stockinges.}* For stockings his allowance beinge vj payre per annum at ijs vjd the payer, lett him have tenne payre of Irish frieze stockings att xvd the payre: soe shall he save ijs and vjd out of his stockings towardes his other mantell; and yet have more and better stockings; For the Irish frieze stockings are warmer and longer and will never 
{folio 88}
shrincke as doe those of Carseye who being made too short will alsoe shrincke when they come to wett besides they are soe rotten that (growinge lesse and lesse) the soldior soone teareth them from his leggs, especiallye when they are wett. The Irish frieze stocking is larger and more durable; besides the soldiors (for shrift) shall have tenne payre for sixe and ijs and vjd spare.*{One other mantell gayned.}* 


*{Allowance of shoes.}* A souldior is lykewise allowed to have sixe payre of shoes everie yere, payinge for everie paire (out of his intertayment) ijs and iiijd. Which shoes after they have bene but a few tymes through wett and (with reverence) myered, will grow soe hard and heavie and withall by often dryinge soe strayt that they will do the souldior no service in short tyme. Wherefore both for his more ease and more profitt, 

lett the souldior have Irish broages, for his six payre of English shoes, xij paire of them for the which he is to pay xijd the payre. Soe shall he have two paire for one and the same better for his use and yett save ijs towardes his other mantell, which (with the ijs vjd saved in his stockings) will buy him a good mantell; soe shall he yearly have two of them to keepe him warme.


Synce therefore her Majestie receiveth no losse, and her souldiors receive Commodytie: me thinckes it would be needles to use the provant merchants helpe to furnish them with apparell:*{What the provant merchant doth the capteine may better doe.}* But that everie Captayne should be credited with fortye powndes quarterly before hand, for that purpose. And as that shall be bestowed, soe to have other fortie poundes and soe from tyme to tyme. Then yf anye souldior 
{folio 89}
shalbe found to goe barefoote and bare legged (as now many of them doe) the fault beyng in the Captaine and not in the souldior, as yet may be; Let that Captaine lose his Company:*{It is pittye to trust him with a 100 men who is not to be trusted with 40li *pounds*.}* And that Captayne who shall not be thought worthie to be trusted with soe much money before hand whereby to relieve his souldiors yet more unworthie to be trusted with the charge of a cth men, with whome he must venter his lyfe (as they must theirs) untill all the service shalbe ended.


*{Where thrift and helth concurre the plott is good for the soldior.}* Since therefore the souldiors may be thus frugallie and healthfullie furnished, I hold it necessarie that the merchant may not have to deale in these noted necessaries: but rathere the Captayne whom it doth moste concerne; both for his credit and safetie of his persons. And the 

*{For offendinge the merchant lett him serue these necessaries.}* merchant (if it be shalbe still soe judged convenient) maye provide shirtes, dublettes and cassockes; one of which I would (yf I might be heard) have to be converted into a good Irish frieze jerkyn, which wilbe both cheaper and warmer for his winter garment.*{A good change for the soldior.}* This much for the soldiors apparell, now concerninge their vittayles.


*{Vittayles infect the soldiors.}* Whereas many of her Majesties souldiors receive infection by unwholesome vittayles which are often rotten, and doe stincke before they can have them. And alsoe by their Continuall drincking of water and yet her Majestie doth commonlie lose in everie fiftie poundes worth of vittayles xxxli, and soe in everie fiftie thousand thirtie thousand.*{That the Queene may not lose her charges nor her soldiors their lives.}* To remedye this, and to save both the soldiors life and her Majesties losse, yea and to bringe unto 
{folio 90}
her Coffers great Commoditie in those matters: these are the meanes.


First for the vittayles which are to goe from hence to serve the Armye, before that Countrye shallbe able to yeld sufficient of itself to satisfie the Forces: Let the same be ready shipped to be transported with the soldiors or ymediatelie after.*{Vittayles and soldiers must goe together.}* That neither the vittayles may aryve before the souldiors and soe putrefie nor the souldieres longe before the vittayles and thereby pyne through want. These inconveniences doe moste commonlie fall upon her Majesties people and her provision, as thinges are accustomed to be handled.


*{After one yeres peace Leinster will vittayle the armye in Ulster and their owne forces.}* But after that the province of Leynster shalbe once recovered and reformed (which in the space of sixe moneths I meane in winter) it may easely be, as before I 

have mencioned then after one yere next followinge her Majestie may in disbursinge of money for vittayles, make returne of 2000 li cleare gayness for issuing of 1000 li in buyinge of grayne,*{The Queene may gayne 2000 li by disbursinge of one.}* whereof there wilbe (after one yere) such plentye in Leinster as wilbe sufficient to satisfie yt self and the forces in Ulster. And by disbursinge 1000 li for Beefes, she shall gaine 500 li in this sorte.*{500 li gained by disbursinge 1000 li.}* 


*{What the Queene doth paye and what the souldiors pay for grayne.}* Her Majestie shall have wheat, rye and beare mault at iiijs the barrel Bristow band which contayneth 32 gallons. For everie barrell whereof the souldier doth allow out of his intertaynment xijs soe likewise for everie Barrell of Oates for provender her Majestie payeth ijs. And the horsemen allow for the same out of their pay vjs whereby in disbursinge one thousand poundes her highness may clearlie 
{folio 91}
gaine 2000 li. Soe oat mault also which is received att ijs vjd the Barrell is delivered att vs whereby half in half is gayned.


*{The prices of Beoves to the Queene and to the souldiors.}* Lykewise for everie Beaffe for the which her Majestie doth pay xvs the souldior alloweth xxs whereby everie 1000 li is made 1500 li [6](javascript:footNote('E590001-005/note006.html')). And all those provisions may be plentifullie had (for her Majesties Armye)*{Such is the composition.}* out of Leinster at the saide Rates according to the Composiiton whereunto the inhabitants themselves have agreed. Soe as they may receive ready money for the same. And they wilbe alsoe Contented to carrie and transporte the same provisions to any parte of the same Province or to anny garrison borderinge upon the same. Or to any porte or 

haven of the same Province where the saide grayne and vittayles may be conveyed by sea to further and more remote places of garrisones.*{Her Majesties adventure.}* Of which portage by sea her Majestie is to abide the venture. All this will the subjectes of Leynster performe upon their owne charge;*{They will do all these needfull survices to be eased of some needlesse burthens.}* soe as they may be eased of many burdens, which are now imposed upon them whereby her Majestie doth receive noe benefitt: And they will willinglie undergoe the other more necessarye burthens, by me*n* mentioned in this treatise of Recoverie.


*{Water is now their drinke which breedeth many deseases in our Englishmen.}* After this manner may the souldiors be vittayled with wholesome vittayles and drinke, which is at all tymes verie scarse. For havinge mault they will get it to be brewed at their owne charge, which heretofore hath bene chargable to her Majestie.


{folio 92}*{He must be noe ordinarye man who shall undertake this kinde of vittaylinge.}* Whatsoever shalbe appoynted vittayler for this kine of vittaylinge ought to be a man both of credite and of good Conscience. To deale faithfullie for her Majestie, Justlie with her subjectes and carefullie for her souldiors. A man of good abillyte and meanes of his owne, some gentleman of that province of Leynster: who will see the Countrie trulie payed. When money cometh to his handes. And if this course shalbe lyked and approved I doe know a gentleman of good abillytie whoe I doubt not but will undertake yt, the rather yf such order be taken with the Recusantes and some consideracion allowed him from her Majestie in lieu of his travell therein.


*{This gentleman should have money to disburse for Captaines Billes for the Queenes profite.}* And whether this gentleman or whosover shall exercise that place it were verye requisite that he should have the paying of all the bills given in Leynster by any Captain 

whatsoever. And for that purpose to have alwayes a Remaynder of Treasure in his handes which when he shall have noe occasion to use for payment of matters belonging to his place: The Lord Deputie for the tyme beinge, may call for it, at his pleasure.


*{Ticketts enrich under Treasurers Clerks.}* For as the tickettes are now payde they doe but enrich a sorte of under clerkes belonging to the Treasurers Deputies.


*{Which consideration cutts worse than usurye.}* For since a man cannot gett a Captaynes Bill to be payed unless he doe give too great a consideraction (and especiallye since those weeklye lendinges have bene put in practise) for as much as her Majestie doth most Royallie pay all, I thincke it verie fitt to have a man of abillitye and some creditte put in trust with those matters before mentioned. And yf it shall seeme so good unto your Honour I can nomynate a man,*{And all the Army want such a one.}* agaynst whom there can be noe just exception taken.


{folio 93}*{He and the rest wilbe willinge to beare that charge.}* This gentleman will undertake that office the more willingelie, yf he maye see the Province freed of all Charges, savinge this last here rehersed. The Charge of the Lieutenant and his cth soldiors. The Sheriffe his xij horsemen.*{And these with all theyr harts.}* And the xxtie labourers of the Countrye for the purposes before specyfied. And not be charged with the Composition, nor the rysinge out to generall hostinges; which Rysinges out to anye Journey (for ought that ever I could perceive) did new good to that kingdome nor benefyte her Majestie any waye.*{It is an Idle custome which profiteth neither prince nor people.}* 


*{This maye be expected from the curious or the inconsiderate.}* I doe not doubt but in scanninge of this discourse, there wilbe manye objections. And some will say this is dishonourable, and that is dishonourable for her Majestie to doe; whom I answer thus brieflie.


*{And yet I know not one thinge that concernes yt.}* It is now no tyme to stand upon pittye by matter of Honour soe longe as the mayne remayneth untouched. But rather to put that in execution which maye moste offend the Traytors, punish the malefactors and reforme that kingdome.


And although some burthens be imposed upon the subjectes. Lett them consider, it is convenient for them to beare them,*{The reason of their defence will induce them to this and more.}* in regarde it is done for their own defence, and that the undergoinge thereof doth ease them of a tenfould greater Charge, where at they now are, and yet they not defended. But yf matters were reformed accordinge to my opinion (I will not terme prescription) yf Lieutenants and other Commaunders, shall suffer them to be spoyled (as now they are and heretofore they have bene). The losses of the subjectes are to be answered out of the 
{folio 94}
Commaunders and souldiors entertaynment, soe as the subjects performe what to them belongeth, as in this Treatise of Recoverie is in sondrie places noted, or at the least verie good service may be done upon the Traytors.*{It is all that Prince or people can desire.}* 


*{It is honour to a prince to bringe people to obedience.}* And I cannot perceive but it is an honour to her Majestie (by any meanes) to suppresse those proud traytors and to bringe them to obedience, according to her Princlie puirpose: which done, she maye after wardes repayre (at her pleasure) those scruples of her honour which shall seeme to be committed,*{If any shall happen which I cannot see.}* which (soe farere as my slender reach can attayne unto) is a better course than to suffer the kingdome to be abused by the insultinge Rebells, and sometymes (for a little intermissive ease) to admitt of the Traytors base condicions.


*{It is noe triffle.}* And for that the Recoverie of the Kingdome is the matter now in question, lett not pettie poyntes of honour restrayne a princelie proceedinge to effect yt with the greatest expedition and safetye, and with the smallest charge, soe shall her honour (which God ever preserve) remayne in due regard, her Vassalle Traytors shalbe confounded. And the reputacion of Englishmens valour reparyred. But yf (which I hope it never shall) that Ireland shoulde be lost: then her princelie honour shall in the world be talked of, and England ever blemished.*{That lost honour and valour suffer obloquye.}* 


*{The conclusion of the treatise of recovery with a shadow of reformation.}* Thus have I (in my owne simple Judgment) sett downe assured meanes for the Recoverie and some for the reformacion of Ireland. Yf any of them shalbe put in practise, I shalbe right glad 
{folio 95}
and that poore kingdome happie. Yf not, I have discharged my Conscience and dutye by expressinge my knowledge; And soe humblie referringe yt to your Honours Consideracion. I doe here purpose for this tyme to conclude this generall Treatise, and to proceed to my particular Apologye.


FinisThe Apologie
------------


{folio 1}*{A man is to defend his words and his deedes.}* As farr (right Honourable) as my slender skill will stretch there are but two thinges for any man to defend by Apologie; his wordes and his deedes forasmuch therefoe as my speeches and actions have beene both Canvised and Construed to the worst, and as yet (with such as knowe me not) doe hange in suspence. I have thought good (with your Honourable pardon) to sett downe with my pen this playne and true ensuinge Apologie: which (because I am noe 

scoller) will not appere soe well digested as it ought to bee, for that sometymes I shall speake with my frend, and against myne Enemye yet truly of both, upon my Credit and life, and as I respect your Honours favour.


*{Defence of speach.}* First therefore for my speeches, I do acknowledge that I cannot speake like a lawier, nor to please the humors of those whom I knowe to be Enemyes to her Majesties service, either directly or indirectly;*{Direct and indirect hinderers of the Queens service.}* directly, as those open and secret Traytors mencioned and noted in the treatise of discoverery. Indirectly, as some other whome I have touched allso there, who eyther through Cowardize, guiftes and bribes or want of knowledge do hinder the same her Majesties Service.*{Bribers Enemies to good servitors.}* 


*{Wordes though they be true may hurt the speaker.}* I doe further acknowledge that my Speeches have donne myself great harme, and that 
{folio 2}
the greatest matter my adversaryes could ever object against me was my wordes: And yet should I not have spoken in that which hath highly conserned her Majesties Service, and neerely touched my private estate; I had not lived to effect many great Services as I have don, nor to performe greater (which I may) if I live and be imployed.


But what a thinge is it that my speech (or any mans ells) may not somewhat be tollerated when it importeth her Majesties Honor and proffit;*{He that is blamed for speaking for the Queene shall not be suffered to speake for himself.}* And especiallie if they stand (as I doe) to justefie any thinge I speake or write, whatsoever they be, that doth speake or write any thinge in her Majesties behalf, and will avouch and prove it,*{Ready to prove all.}* deserveth (in my opinion) to be defended and not 

depressed. But since wordes helpe noe hurstes, nor pay noe debtes I will passe from speeches and proceed to the defence of my actions, which I must manifest,*{Defence of actions many wayes.}* partly by the intent and performance of my service, partly by discoveringe my Enemyes practises, and partly by the testimony of such as have bene acquaynted with most of my Courses in that kingdome. And lastly by comparinge the true meaninge of my plottes for service with their willfull malice or unskilfull Ignorance who did ever misconceave or misconstrue them.


*{A man defending himself may *perchance* hurt another.}* And if in defence of my owne innocence I shall nowe and then discover (by the way) some other mans guiltiness I humbly pray your Honours pardon therein, and that youe wilbe pleased to impute it to my wante of arte, I beinge not skilfull how to use better methode. And with your Honours most discrete 
{folio 3}
consideration and accustomed patience to survay the sequell.


*{Zeale to the Queenes service not hindred by imprisonment.}* When I was prisoner in the Castle of Dublin such was my zeale to her Majesties Service, and the good I wished to the poore kingdome that I did not conceale any Credit, I had either with one Traytor or other, but I discovered it to the Counsell there, which doth apparantly prove that I have induced the greater wronge. For if I hadd been ill disposed towardes her Majesties Service, or had wished ill to her subjectes I could have concealed the credit I had with the Traytors and forborne the doing of any service, especially being in prison. But my service beinge then (as it is nowe, and ever shalbe life and all) her Majesties as I did that with a few horse and some foote, that her Majesties Councellors 

*{Service done with a few that a 1000 durst not undertake.}* and great Commaunders could not with all their Credites under two thousand, and a thousand was the least they would undertake the same withall. *{A fort saved and soldiers releeved readie to sterve.}* The forte in Lease was in great perill to be yielded to the traytors because the soldiers (who defended it) wanted meat and weare readie to starve. And durst not goe forth to forrage for feare of the Rebelles.


This forte being in this great extremitie and those in aucthoretye not knowinge how to relive it, they sent for me to come before them first thing they made knowne unto mee the state of that forte,*{They imprison a servitor and aske counsell of him how to do service.}* what extremity it was in, and how lickely to be lost for want of victualling seeing they did not knowe which way to relive it (which I did easely beleeve) because their mindes were never yet bent to knowe howe to doe any good service, espetiallye of soe great importance, as the vitttualing of this fort.


When they had delivered unto mee what 
{folio 4}
extremite the fort stood in,*{They entreat a prisoner to vituall a forte yet he to be still in prison.}* then they intreated mee to take upon mee the vittualing thereof by what meanes I thought best which (if I did) they would take it for a speciall good service, and would requeit it, and I should have presently delivered unto mee what mony I would for the vittuales which I should put in, if it weare but for one mounth in which tyme the souldiers shoud be drawen together to put in a greater proportion for longer tyme: when they had delivered these speeches with many other,*{As it was reason}* I bethought myself of all their Complotts and the state wherein I stood, I considered with all if this fort should be lost; it would be a great hindrance to her Majesties Service in those partes, for if the traytors should gett it the*y* would breake it and race it to the ground as they had done some other of importance which were taken from my charge; Yet I answered, that to take uppon mee the vittualinge of that fort, with 

*{A man in prison hath neede of meanes.}* my owne meanes which should relieve mee being a prisoner I would bee both, because they might construe it to my damage (as indeede they did) wherefore it was not fitt they should trust unto mee yet not with standinge in conclusion I undertooke the puttinge in of a monthes victualles uppon condition to have money for the same accordinge to the value when I had done: which they promised.*{Money promised for vittayles.}* 


Whereupon I presently sent my man downe to my house which is within viij miles of the said fort, where I caused my servants to provide xx iiijtie of the best beeffes of myne ouwe,*{Provision made readie for the forte.}* or of my Tennantes with a proportion of sault and a dozen Barrells of my owne wheat. This provision of Beeffes, salt and wheat being readie, then to select such horsemen (of myne)*{A few horsemen to convey it.}* as I did knowe fittest to goe presently with such directions as I sent unto them and convey this proportion of victualles and see it put into the fort, may horsemen (by the way) 
{folio 5}
were mett by some souldiers of the Traytors and sett upon;*{The horsemen sett uppon by the way.}* divers of my men were hurt, and one of my horses killed;*{The vittayles delivered into the fort.}* yet not withstandinge my horsemen delivered all the said provision into the forte and returned bringinge backe a note under the handes of the Cheefe Commanders of the Forte that they had received those victuales (my men beinge returned to my house) sent me the note to Dublin thereby to receave the money due to me for the same, which I expected accordinge to promise.*{The money promised for the victualles could not be gotten without a bribe.}* But I was fayne to make great sute for it, yet could I not obtayne it without a bribe, though the same were smale; Thus the gifte of a bribe for my owne money for victuals and twentie weekes imprisonment in the Castle of Dublin without callinge me to my answare,*{20 weekes imprisonment and never called to answer.}* or lettinge me knowe what fault I had made, was the rewarde I had for doinge that service in savinge her Majesties forte 

*{A good reward.}* from the Enemy in that desperate extremety and for relieving the souldiers (that kept it) when they were ready to starve. I beesch your Honor to conceave that the perswasions of those corrupt officers of Ireland could not have induced mee to have effected that service,*{Love to the Queenes service not to those officers.}* but the discharge of my duty towardes her Highness and the savinge of a forte of soe great importance: But if these officers and great men of Ireland (which were at that tyme) had importuned my service, and that it had been in my power to have saved their lives (excepting only three)*{That sheweth how good they are.}* I had done the worst service that ever man did if I had saved them, for settinge those three apart, it were noe great matter, what became of all the rest, soe as Ireland was well ridd of them, for then should that poore kingdome be moste happie.


{folio 6}*{Yet more service for a poore prisoner.}* After I had done that service in victuallinge that forte they had presently another service for me, for the Traytors were burning, prayeing,and spoylinge of the poore subjectes even to the walls of Dublyn,*{Rebells bould and busy.}* and they could by noe meanes direct how anny service should be don against them.*{Once again called.}* Then sent they for me again before them saying that I sawe what grievous spoyles were executed uppon the poore subjectes in burninge and killinge them, if therefore I knew how to save the subjectes from burning and killing and doe anny service uppon the Traytors and would advise them therein it would be well taken at my handes and reckoned for spetiall good service.*{Service the couler, but malice the drift.}* I understood their drift in this that theire asking my advise was but to take advantage of me to overthrowe mee, and to confirme their 

*{Never lookinge to the manner how it must be wronge.}* 
former opinions that if I could prevaile by my credit soe farre with the traitors to save soe much people from burninge and spoilinge as then stood in peril. I was a dangerous man nevertheless (whatsoever sinister conceite they carried of mee) I considered with myselfe if I could doe soe great a service to her Majestie and soe charitable a deed to her distressed subjectes as to free them from that present calamitye I should but discharge parte of my dutie. And hereupon I tooke courage to adventure somethinge though I was assured the motion they made was but to circumvent mee, and this was my thought. *{Who searcheth himself shall find such thoughts.}* That if God were soe pleased that my innocent desire (to doe service to her Majestie and good to that Countrie) should minister matter to them to breake my necke, and that He would permitt their wicked purpose to take 
{folio 7}
place to cutt mee off without cause, it was for my great sinnes and their owne great plague to followe, and that yet I would not leave my dutie to God, to her Majestie, and to my Countrie unperformed though it cost mee my lieffe,*{The resolution of a Christian.}* assuring myself however I were recompensed here I should receave a rewarde at God's handes in heaven, for my true meaninge, and sinceir service and, in this resolution I had like (absolutely) to have undertaken that desperat service. But upon better advisement I tould them if they would give me leave to sende my man unto these traytors abrode I did not thincke but I could stay their present furie. If not lett the souldiers (said I) be readie to goe with my man that shall guide them:*{I thought they would as much respecte me in prison because they feared me at libertie.}* and then I will undertake 

they shall doe good service upon those Traytors if they wilbe directed by my man.


This motion of mine they liked well and gave me their licence with libertie to use all the meanes I could (uppon myne owne adventure) but to give anie assurance for my mens goinge amongst the traytors (under their handes) they would not: onlie they gave theyr wordes they should be in noe daunger.*{Subtilitie on the one side and simplicity on the other.}* 


I stood noe longer upon tearmes, but took their wordes, and soe parted from them into the Castle. I sent presently for one of my men, who was well knowen to the traytors the Sonnes of Fewgh Macc Hugh and other. I sent him with all speede to Phelim Mac Fewghe to let him 
{folio 8}
know that I had libertie given mee to send my man to him, and to all parties as amongst those that I thought I hadd interest in.*{Through their feare for that I had don against them before.}* And although I had killed his father I willed him to be advised by me, and to cause his men to forbeare the burninge and spoilinge of the subjectes. Yf ever they did thincke to have favoure of her Majestie. And besides, (if he did not follow my Counsell herein) I would (if ever I came abroade) make an ende of him, as I did of his Father and he did knowe I could easilie doe it when my credit is afoote. He knewe moreover I should once come abroade (although I had great enemyes) for he allsoe knoweth I was freed from all touch of treason in 

*{Except to kill traytors by treason.}* all matters which conceived himself and his adherents anie wayes.


Uppon the delivery of his message to Felim Mac Fewgh he (in the presence of my man who is an Englishman and my surgeon)*{The better to be trusted}* presentlie sent his messengers into all places to Command his Confederates to give over their burninge and spoilinge, which immediatelie they did.*{The success of his message.}* And for that your Honour may knowe I was the cause of savinge the subjectes of the Pale from being burned and spoyled. The Constable of the Castle gave me a small peece of money in Consideration of that bargain betwixt us, that I should for that give him a teston for everye house that should be burned by the traytors in those 
{folio 9}
partes after foure dayes. Yet after this bargaine betwixt the Constable and mee it chaunced there were two or three houses burned.*{Of no valure}* The occasion came by the traytors forceinge of a bawne to fetche out the prey where two of them were slayne.*{A walled place where cattell are kept all night for safety.}* In revenge whereof they burned those houses. Soe as your Honor maybe pleased to note, if I had bene ill disposed I would not have bene soe carefull to have sent my man (in soe great daunger) about such a business. And whensoever my credit shalbe better than now it is (pardon me to presume a little)*{It is much but it is true.}* there is noe man in Irelande can doe her Majestie that service which I can.


For when I sent my man to stay the 

spoilinge of her Majesties subjectes I doe not thincke but if I durst have drawen forth the soldiors (with my men),*{Not in person but with those under my leadinge.}* they should have don good service. Why doe I myself that wronge to say I durst not doe that was in mee all though I was a prisoner: when all men knewe (who doe knowe mee) that I dare bothe speake and doe anie thinge without feare;*{As much as may become a man.}* when it concerns her Majesties Honor and Service: yet this was my reason,*{A reason grounded upon good consideration.}* then to forebeare if my men should have drawen the soldiers into the traytors strength (where men must goe yf they thincke to doe service) if the soldiers should not have bestirred themselves in manlye manner but that the traytors should have overthrown them, then would my enemyes have said that I had betraid the Queenes soldiers and that (with 
{folio 10}
*{Which my enemys gaped for.}* other opinions would have bein matter enough to have hanged me; therefore to avoide that daunger (and for noe other cause) did I forbeare doinge of that Service whilst I was a prisoner in the Castle of Dublin.


Some great officers of Ireland I thanke them were of opinion that I muste need be a traytor*{A rash opinion.}* because my lande was kepte inhabited the same lieeing amongst the traytors, true it is. I did keepe it inhabited which was noe wonder, for other did the like whose lande lay as ill as myne, yet they were accounted noe traytors.*{The old proverb; one may better steale a horse then another looke on.}* I will forbeare to name them because I shall be thought a harshe writer and it be too longe discourse to write all that I doe knowe of some other to prove them concealed traitors. Yea and farre worse then anie knowne traitor 

and soe I shrowde them, untill I be commanded to shew them, and will proceede to shew the reason of my landes kept inhabyted when I was in prison which I have partlie touched before, but thus much I thincke convenient to say further.*{Namely forfeare.}* 


I kept my lands then inhabited as a great man of that kingdome doth keepe his, noe traytor durst burne or payr my Tenantes (although they were greatlie urged unto it)*{The reason my lands were inhabited.}* because they knewe I was unjustlie imprisoned, and they were assured that in the ende I should come abroade; if then (in the meane season) they should spoyle or havocke anythinge of myne they were certain neither their force nor their frends could save their lives; for I would finde the meanes to cutt them off, whensover I should meete with them.*{This is true in despight of them.}* Thus for very feare and not for love or anie traitorous practise betwixt 
{folio 11}
them and me they spared my tenants.


Now they dare not offende that other great personage by burninge or prayinge uppon his landes, living alonge the mountains side as they doe, his poore neighbors have all the goodes taken from them and driven through his landes yet his tenantes loose not anie thinge.*{Yet this is nothing.}* 


Though his landes lie in a daungerous place and are inhabited in safetie and peace; yet who dare say that his lord is a traytor:*{Yet this carrieth as great resemblance as any man els.}* Or that there is a greate league betwixt him and the traitors; But the traytors of those mountaines forbeare him and his Tenantes (as I here sett downe) for feare;*{Not for feare of his learninge but for feare of his authority.}* not because he is a learned man but for that he is a speciall officer who can 

crosse their pardons, when there is sute made to save their lives, if they spoile his landes. Besides (by his other place of highe authoritye) he can keepe them from beinge pardoned.*{There is the cause of forebearance.}* 


*{The ace of harts in wickedness.}* Over and besides those two greate helpes he hath alsoe a thirde viz Fewgh Mac Hughes late wife the widow Rose O Toole whom oftentymes he graceth with the name of Cosen, a trustie instrument and follower of his, and by him, she is maintained. She goes often to the mountains to those traytors (who are her brothers and sonnes in lawe)*{A trustie intelligencer.}* carryenge to them newes and admonishing them that they ought to have a great care not to offend this great Lord and to give straight commaunde to their men and to the straingers amongst them that they doe not spoile his landes nor hurte his Tenantes. This I affirme for truth by the waye that all those partes of Ireland*{A note moste true.}* are the worse through 
{folio 12}
this female favourite of his Lordship Fewgh Mac Hughes wife who beares herself so bould on his favors, that she is not afraide (amongst those whome she supposeth annie thinge to affect the traytors proceedings)*{She never prayeth better.}* openlie to pray for the good successe of Tyrone and her brothers the traitorous Tooles; never prayinge for her Majestie who did most graciouslie pardon her lyfe condemned to death for treason,*{A pardon is bestowed.}* yet this be a fitt woman to be countenanced by a man of his place I humblie referre it to your honourable Consideration.


*{A third helpe above all.}* Yet are not those all the helpes this man hath to save his landes and tenantes and to uphold his Credit but he hath also his witt which doth as farre passe that of Machiavell as English St Pauls passeth Irish St. Patrickes.*{That is as farre from London to Dublin.}* 


But if he were debarred from all these meanes that is if he were discharged from all high temporall offices (though he were never imprisoned as I was) and leave him onlie to his learninge and his witt, they will leave his tenantes and those whome he careth for, even as little as they did mee and mine.*{Neither of both could defend him or his.}* 


*{A comparative reason.}* For since I had my libertie (after that wronge and longe imprisonment) the traytors percevyinge my enemies credit growne greater than it was before, and myself to be neglected, yea and all commaunde (even of my owne soldiers) taken from mee (the cause I leave to their reporte who did enlarge mee) and havinge assurance given them by protestations and great oaths (I spare to speake by whom).*{By some good frendes belike}* Yea and that they were 
{folio 13}
warranted I shoulde have noe power to resist them much lesse to hurte or revenge myself upon them for anie damage they should doe unto mee which themselves well perceived by the takinge my souldiers from mee. The Rebells immediatelie (even as they were willed and directed)*{What they should doe els.}* spoiled and prayed all my tenantes kilinge many of my men,*{Such is their tyranny.}* and hanging up little children even in the presence of the Marshall Sir Christopher Blunt, who was then lyeinge at my house, yet unable to defende me, and what was saved then was taken sence. They took awaye all myne owne goods which weare in their power to carrie away, leavinge mee nothinge but my bare castle to shroude my head in.*{They will joyne with such as soon as they can.}* 


Even soe will they serve this late recited 

Lord if he should be displaced from his great offices:*{Leave him smale authoritie and they will leave him no wealth.}* whereby your Honor may perceive that an Irishman will spare noe Englishman's goodes for feare onely.


*{A most honourable letter.}* In tyme of my imprisonment in the Castle of Dublin (which was three quarters of a yeare) there was a most honourable letter sent from your Honor and the rest of her Highnes Counsell here on my behalfe. In which letter Her Majesties pleasure was signified that the Lords Justices and the rest there should have great respect unto mee for my service*{A gracious opinion.}* for that her Majestie would not easilie be induced (upon anie traytors informaction) to believe that I would be a traytor knowinge that I had drawen too much bloud (of the Irish) for me to trust them and in the said letter they were willed to be well advised how they 
{folio 14}
*{A caveat for them.}* did deale with mee and that they should signifie the cause unto her Majestie and your lordships and receave aunswere backe againe from hence before they should proceede anie further against mee.*{There is the regard they have of their superiors.}* This letter stoode mee in noe more steede than yf it had bene the meanest yeomans letter of England. Nay rather it did me lesse good; for had not this letter bene sent from the lordes of the Counsell here I should sooner have had my libertie there. The fault of that letter was in the direction:*{In their construction of the superscription.}* which was to the two Lord Justices and to the Earle of Ormond joyntlie. That conjunction brede my Confusion. For if one of them would have enlarged me (as I was persuaded he would) the other two would not give their consent.*{Justice in the one, malice in the other.}* Then when two of them would join together the thirde would not. 

*{For their pleasures.}* And in this manner was I kept in prison three monethes after the receipt of that letter. In the ende the two Lordes Justices joyninge together in the absence of the thirde, gave me libertie (uppon greate bondes) to walke in the towne of Dublyn but further they would not graunt me till the Earle of Ormonds cominge which was in short tyme. Then had I libertie *{There are none better in Ireland.}* (uppon spetiall good sureties) to goe to my house, or anywhere els, soe I departed not out of the lande. My sureties were the best knightes, and greatest men of the Pale: their bondes and myne two thousand poundes.


I went downe to my house, which (as I have before expressed) standeth amongst the moste daungerous traytors of that province, when I came home I had conference with divers of my honest frends. 
{folio 15}
Yea and conference with divers traytors even with some of the Cheefe, whereby I founde that her Majestie (pardon mee for givinge it such a tearme) was like to be merely cosoned of her Kingdome of Ireland,*{And is yet deceaved in that kingdome; the more shame for them.}* which was to be betrayed, even by those, in whome her Highnes did repose the most trust: To sett downe how, or by whome perticulerley would be to troublesome and tedious, except your Honour or her Majestie please to Commaunde me.


When I had gathered as much as I could possiblie learne for the tyme, I considered with myself what way might be the best to prevent that vile practise intended against her Majesties Crowne and dignitie, and against the poore subjectes of Ireland, and how I might save my oune lyfe and my poore frend James FitzPiers till a better tyme,*{For or cases here a lyke in hazard.}* and the 

Cominge of some honourable governor thither, from hence for standinge as I did in the midst of all these traytors havinge noe means either to save my life or to defende my goods but be sure to lose both,*{It is then tyme for men to bethincke themselves.}* and my frends state standinge as ill as myne, after a many meetings hee and I devised a plott how to save us both which I have thought good here to note in particular.


And first for the Conference I had with many of the traytors in whome I presumed to have some interest,*{Interest by some revoltes who had led keirne under me.}* and with some who had bene leaders under me of my light foote men, whome I indevored to induce agayne unto me to joyne with me in good service, as they had don heretofore. All which did aunswere mee in this rude manner followinge.


*{A rud Irish aunswere.}* Wouldest thou have us to come and depend 
{folio 16}
uppon thee, and to serve with thee as we have done when it is not in thy power to doe us any good? Noe nor to keepe us from death or imprisonment: thou seeth for all thy service thou couldst not keepe thyself out of prison, but wast committed for a traytor:*{In asmuch as they had bene under me.}* But because we love thee and would have thee live till a better tyme, when thou mayest doe us more good then now then Canest, we wish thee to be ruled by us and likewise thy frend James Fitzpiers,*{In their love they revealed this.}* if not youe will be both slayne, ye cannot have your lives, for thou seeth thou hast no manner of Creditt, not soe much as the Commanders of thy owne souldiers;*{Belike the*y* knewe more than I suspected.}* therefore follow our Counsell, give over thy bandes of horse and foote that the generall Commaunder may have nothinge to doe with thee, 

and (soe perhaps) thou mayest be safe, as thou shalt here ere it be longe Sir Richard Bingham is sent for to Kilkennye,*{The forte in Lease.}* when he comes he shall be imployed to victuall the forte which if he doe he is like never to returne home for if woe doe not kill him,*{The plott was layed.}* there be those that come alonge with him, will kill him.


*{Such Counsell as they conceaved, such they delivered out of their affection.}* For James Fitzpiers, to save himself, and to doe thee good, lett him doe as we doe, soe shall he save his life, and steede thee, and defende and keepe up thy land, and doe thou depend (as thou dorst) appon the State, if thou doe not like this then gett thee into Englande till thy creditt be better,*{The combination revealed}* for we assure thee all the Lordes and auncient gentlemen of Ireland are on our side, and all those that are Irishmen aboute one great man (whom thou knowest) or tyed by oath and marriage 
{folio 17}
unto us to be our frends,*{How they stead one another}* and to helpe us to all necessaries that is in their power to serve our turne, and soe in lyke sorte are we tyed unto them to have a great care of their estate, that none that followes us spoile any of them or theirs.*{traytors have care one of another.}* 


*{The tale continueth and the Lord Mongarrett named.}* And for my Lord Mongarrett who is now not with us, thou shalt see (within these eight daies) hee shalbe protected to have conference with his frends, and to serve our turnes, both himself and his men with those thinges which he now wanteth, and withall he added, I canne assure thee he came very barely out into action for a Lord. And within short tyme thou shalt see the Lord of Cayer and the Lord Roch will be forth*{Lord of Cayer and Lord Roch will out as well as Mongarrett}* because they will bringe all their idle men that follow them to take parte, knowinge that they canne have pardon when they list*{soe saieth the Discoverye.}* 

and their Idle men shall stay with us to ease their owne Charge and steade them the more. Therefore is it not better to have thy frend abroade,*{The traytors would teach us witt.}* and thou to save thyself and he to save thy turney (being amongst us) as our frends (do us) that are amongst youe.*{A secret revealed unawares.}* For our frends amongst youe doe us more good than all those that are forth in action with us, for without their helpe we were undone.


*{Instruction received, advertisement was presentlye dispatched.}* Soe soone as I had hearde all this I made noe longer stay with them, but withall speede I could I sent presently a letter to the Lordes Justices, advertisinge and advisinge them (if they respected the good of all the subjectes about Dublyn) to stay Sir Richard Bingham from going to Kilkennie, for if he went he should be slayne,*{A good warninge for Sir Richard.}* as the Marshal was at Blackwater, because there was a plott layd to kill him, which could not be prevented if he undertook 
{folio 18}
*{It stood in hazarde.}* that journey, besides I did finde how her Majesties kingdome was betrayed, and that in such sorte as they could not helpe, unlesse there were some other Course taken to prevent the imenent daunger. To this effect I wrote my letter, and as soone as I had sent away my messenger I sent for James Fitzpiers to come unto mee.*{Men in a quandarie will aske Counsell of their friends}* After much conference and divers meetings repeatinge what we both had lerned and what he in particular had harde, we stoode in great doubt to be destroyed and slayne by the rebells,*{As we had cause.}* dwellinge as we did in the verie mouth of traytors havinge noe manner of Countenaunce by the State either to defende ourselves or to doe her Majestie Service. In this ambiguitie we stayed but a while, but we concluded (betwixt ourselves) to sett downe a plott 

for service,*{Men in extremitie are not to stand gazinge in the mischeefes but to seeke redress.}* and to tender it to the Lordes Justices which if the Lordshippes and some other of the Counsell did like then would we proceede with our determinacion, and not otherwise.*{Nothinge without warrant.}* After this Complottinge of this matter, James had occasion to parley with the Lord Mongarrett and with Owney Mac Rorye for the settinge at libertie of one of his Unckles called Lutterell who was then prisoner with them.*{His unckles case required it.}* In which parley he told Mongarrett and Owney Mac Rowrye what an enemy one great man in the worlde was to him the said James and unto me. Therefore if he the said Lord Mongarrett with Owney Mac Rowrie,*{To sound the traytors and to drawe them to their damage.}* and the rest of the principall traytors would be all sworne that whensoever he the sayd James should enter into such Action to doe as they did, and as Tyrone did they would give him good 
{folio 19}
assurance themselves and procure Tyrone soe to doe,*{This was his shadowe and yet he might doubt the substaunce.}* and that he might be safe from beinge betrayed by them (or any of theirs) unto some great man, or any of his, because he held him to be his great Enemye.*{James did articulate with the traytors to sound them and to lymite their oath to Tyrone.}* Alsoe that they would tye themselves by oath noe more unto Tyrone then he should tye himself to them, that was, that whensoever her Majestie shoulde send an Honourable man to followe the warres uppon them, then in shorte tyme after his landinge, all they there present, and Tyrone allsoe should (with all speed) make their repaire to Dublyn to tender their submission: And if Tyrone should refuse soe to doe, then they to leave of their combinacion and without him to goe unto the said Honourable man,*{A good Article.}* 

the new Lord Deputye and submitt themselves. An other parte of the oath which he required them to be sworne unto was, that they should be absolutely tied to be ruled by me, and to follow such directions as I shall send or bringe unto them,*{As he and I had complotted for their reducement to obedience.}* at the saide Honourable man his coming. And in the meanspace, if either the forte or Stratbaillie in Lease should be at any tyme in their power that they should yet deliver them to him,*{That he might deliver them to the State.}* and not to kepe them in their power, but that James should have them delivered unto him, and they sworne not to breake them.*{Which had bene great losse.}* The reason of his demande was because he was like to loose all his landes and Castells that stoode betwixt the river Barrow and the Cittie of Dublyn.*{This was his coulor to cause their consent to his demaund.}* And the
{folio 20}
cause they shoulde tye themselves in this sort unto mee was for that I want to give over my Company in show*{But they thought in deede}* because I would not serve upon them, and be Commaunded by that first noted great Lorde, supposed Enemy to us both. All these condicions (by the said James thus propounded)*{He deliver'd them to his bent.}* they weare contented to tye themselves unto, whensoever we should come to take their parte. And when myself should give over my Company*{Indeed they had noe likinge.}* they would carefully keepe what I had,*{I should have soldiers to beat them.}* and be bound to Come in and be at the newe deputies disposinge.


*{The meaninge of this complott explained.}* The substance of all this plot was, this James Fitzpiers should have gone on with the combinacion. And he should have carried all the idle men of Leinster to assiste him,*{The drift was to cutt of*f* all the Idle rebels rogues of Leinster.}* and if Feawgh Mac Hughes sonnes and Donogh Spaingh would not have sent their idle men to have followed him and the Moores, I would have taken uppon me to have bene guide,*{Those that had not gone with James I meant*?* to have undertaken.}* to those Capteins and soldiers that remayned with Sir Richard Bingham and without entertaynment to have followed that warre upon Fewghes sonne, if they would not 
{folio 21}
have bene absolutelie directed by Sir Richard which I believe they would because otherwise they knew they should soone have bene undon.*{It should not have booted to stand out; his L'ships taske.}* And then the Earle of Ormond had bene lefte to the prosecution of them, and all other traytors (that should take part with the Moores on the futher side of the Barrowe, and on that side of Leinster.*{The more they had had.}* And as the rebells should have gone strongly on the Moores side, soe the Earle of Ormond*{For his power}* to have bene strengthened with the Irish bandes, and the English bandes (soe many as the state should have thought fitt) and the rest to have remayned with Sir Richard about Dublin. If this plot had gone on and James stoode out either Mongarrett and James had overthrowne the Earle of Ormond, which I 

*{Els his destiny or pollicye had bene bad.}* thincke had been impossible (he havinge such strength as then he had) or els he had cutt of all them and all the traytors two Moores because then of necessitie they must have fought, soe had all the rest of Leinster bene saved which is now overthrowne.*{However none had died but Irish.}* 


This plot thus thought of by myself and James Fitzpiers, and in our opinion (had it bene followed) would have sorted to good service. I went presentlye up to Dublin to make it knowne to Sir Robert Gardner and Sir Richard Bingham*{In hope this good service would have bene well accepted, as to the most worthie.}* to see how they would like of it; if they misliked, then both James and myself to goe on with what other service they should direct us unto.


Cominge to Dublyn, and soe unto 
{folio 22}
the Marshall I had noe tyme to impart this plott unto them but was presently hastened out of the towne, and commaunded to send for James Fitzpiers*{Sodenlie dispatched out upon service.}* to be readie to meete the Marshall with her Majesties Forces at Naas which was the next day after I came to towne. And goinge to the Lord Justice Sir Robert Gardner, he beinge then in earnest talke in his garden stayinge there a tyme, in came the Bishope of Miathe;*{A Councellor.}* he and I talked together. I tould him what I had learned, and how her Majestie was abused in her service,*{Revealing brieflie to him what was proposed to have bene opened to the rest.}* and Ireland in great hazarde; I tould him alsoe what course I would runn (if it were soe thought fitt by the state). And prayed him to acquaint the Lordes Justices, the Marshall, and the 

Treasurer therewith, and none of the rest for if the plott were approved by them,*{Soe I gathered by lyke accidents past.}* if the rest did know it, it would be prevented. It is to*o* longe to write the speeches that passed betwixt the Bishopp and me. He goinge from me (as I thought) nothinge dislikinge what I had tolde him.*{A shallowe construction for soe deepe a scoller.}* I found afterwardes he Construed my honest playne meaninge after such a manner and delivered to the Lords Justices and to all the rest*{Because he woulde have sounded the meaninge and noted his simplicitye.}* (savinge to Sir Richard Bingham) after such a fashion that they uppon his speeches supposed I had an intent to be a traytor and to practize with the traytors onlye to kill the Generall of the Forces,*{A charitable Conceite.}* that then was, and soe to joyne myself with Tyrone and the other Rebells whereupon (beinge readie to goe 
{folio 23}
into the Countrie with such directions as the Marshall over night had given me) I was sent for and cominge before them they all began to looke stranglye uppon mee and did fall to question with mee whether I said this and that to the Lord Bishop of Miethe,*{Thankes to my Lord of Miethe.}* and wheather I and James Fitzpiers had plotted that wherewith he had acquainted them. I answered I did say almost as much as he had delivered and prayed him to make it knowne unto them, uppon thies my speeches without anye more questions, to prison I muste:*{For devisinge to cutt of Idle Rebells.}* for they saide I had committed treason, and they might not conceale it and thus immediately was I Committed to the Castle.*{He knewe not what to thinke when such service was so taken.}* I beinge thus suddenly imprisoned James Fitzpiers stoode upon 

his guarde and betooke himself to the Castle of Athye.


*{As if he had bene a traytor.}* The soldiers weare instantly sent they ther to take that Castle of Athye but his men would not deliver it.*{A tearme in Ireland when a man stands upon his safetye.}* By which meanes he was inforced to stand on his keepinge the more in that then had offended the lawe for not deliveringe the Castle unto the Souldiers which weare sent which Castle hindered the said Souldiers from passinge over a bridge nere unto the same.


The soldiers returned without getting the Castle which newes cominge to Dublyn I was sent for before the Lordes and the rest, who called me I know not how many traytors sainge I had cawsed James Fitzpiers to goe owte,*{I spake not with him nor he intended soe.}* soe for that tyme they dismissed me, wherein two dayes after 
{folio 24}
they sent for me againe at which tyme they did article with mee, what answeare I made unto them, I refer mee to that which they certified hither in writinge,*{A reference to their certificate sent hither.}* which I am sure they stretched to all purposes and advantages which they could (by lawe) to cutt mee of. And did leave oute whatsoever might be avaylable for me to discover the truth of my honest and trewe meaninge.


*{Dissmissinge rather from their presence for I was prisoner before.}* Within shorte tyme after my Committinge (when theye perceived their owne error that by reason of James his standinge uppon his guard, the service was unperformed) they sent for me againe and spoke unto me to send unto James Fitzpiers to see if he wolde come in:*{They wanted helpe once more.}* And although he had done lewdly in with holdinge the aforesayde Castle they 

*{Protection is the packhorse.}* proffered him their protection soe as he would but come and speake with them; I toulde them I would not undertake his cominge in except they would send an absolute protection without the usual provisoes; that, they refused to doe but they sent him a protection with the usual provisoes,*{As they intended towardes him so he accepted their protection.}* unto the which (in verie truth) he tooke exception because it was but colorably sent to deceive him as they had (in his conceipte) don other who had the like.


*{Se howe their ignorance put the Queene to charge.}* 


His refusal of the protection caused them presently to follow him with the forces to the number of two thousand footemen and horsemen lying at the Naas, who did noe other service but follow this James*{They pursue a subject that traytors may thryve.}* and suffered the Traytors within two miles to inhabit their dwellings and kepe up there plowinge 
{folio 25}
and never went into their strength to offend them.


And whereas they often tymes called me traytor affirminge it was I who put oute James Fitzpiers they did me wrong for I will prove it was some of the Counsell there,*{Yf he weare one}* who made him a traytor by committinge of me,*{As he seemed by standinge on his guard.}* whome if they had not committed he had never been a traitor: And yet I must Confesse, if they had liked of the plott (wherewith I purposed to have acquainted them) he (havinge the Counsells approbacion thereunto)*{Which argued neither of us had any ill intent.}* would have stoode of and gone in showe as a traytor with the rest of that combynacions: Whereby he might have don the Queen a Speciall good service.


And to show that this James Fitzpiers had noe Trayterous intent, he beinge oute and amongst the Rebells,*{He was fayne to fly to them to save his lyfe.}* and (as it was supposed) one of 

them, yet was he never at the prayinge, burninge, or spoilyne of any of her Majesties subjectes, but indevaoured himself (even with extreme hazard of his lyfe) to have don as excellent peece of service which was this.


*{The Traytors purpose.}* All the traytors of Leynster purposed to drawe all their forces together to destroy all the subjects betwixt Dublin and the Naas and when the soldiors shoulde come to the rescue, to sett upon them, and overthrow them; This purpose of the Traytors beinge fully resolved uppon, and he made therewith thoroughlie (by them) acquainted, and by themselves put in trust, to be a spetiall director of that stratagem: He sent to the Castle of Dublyn to me to give me notice of it, willinge me to acquainte Sir Richard Bingham, the Marshall withall, to the end that the soldiers might be in readiness, he sent word moreover of the certaine daye, and the tyme of the day, viz at noune at which tyme he would drawe all the Traitors into the plaine, within two myles of Naas at which tyme and to which place he came with all the principall Traitors of Leynster namely*{His purpose was to have good store of them slayne.}* 
{folio 26}
Fewghe Mac Hughes soones Donogh Spaniogh, Owney Mac Rorye, and all the sonnes who were in the whole nomber aboute one thousand fightinge men. Her Majesties souldiers in the Naas were fifteene hundredth foote, and two hundredth horse.*{Our Armye and theirs mett.}* Both parties mett in such a place and such a manner as (yf the Soldiers had done like men) the traytors had there bene overthrown.*{A disgrace to English soldiors.}* Fewe or none could have escaped. But the fighte was soe vilelye handled by our souldiers that with smale hurt on either side they parted. And because your Honor may the better discover how easilye the Traytors might have been all put to the sworde (excepte some fewe who knew the Countrye verie perfectly)*{The place of their meeting was of advantage for us as well as the ods in nomber.}* may it please you to understand that the place where they mett was a faire plaine farr from wood and bogg. And the Souldiers were brought to heamne in the Traytors. Now when the odds in nomber consisteth on our side the place soe playne and of such advantage, that both horse and foote may come to fight at once, and yet let the tratytors escape what expectacion can there be of any great service in the Traitors strength or fastnes?*{They that lett them scape there will never hurt them in their fastnes.}* Their boggs, their woodes, their Glynnes and their straightes? Unles such Captains and Commanders be appointed 

as will and dare fighte roundly with them in deed. Thus did this gentleman James Fitzpiers drawe all those Traytors thither (as I have noted) to the end to have had them all overthrowne.*{There was the end of his drifte.}* 


When the Rebells had recovered their places of strength and safety and weare quit from the soldiers and at rest; they began to expostulate and quarrell with James,*{James his purpose suspected by the Rebells.}* sainge that he had drawn them into that daunger where yf the Queenes Capteines and soldiers had bene men, they had bene overthrowne every Mother's Sonne. Addinge further they would be better advised before they would trust him or anny man els, so farr againe.*{Thus they threatened him.}* And for him (except he would presently put somethinge in action which might make him as odious to the State as themselves) they would be avenged on him for that pracktis. Soe that, by drawinge the traytors into the aforesayde dainger James had brought himself into most desperate peril,*{He stoode between 2 daingers.}* for on the one side he feared leaste the traytors would betray him to his supposed enemye, the Cheefe Commaunder of the State, (as they ment indeede) on the other side the State (by miscontruinge his good meaninge) stood offended.


{folio 27}So that of necessitye he being not able to sustayne the displeasure of the State and of the Traytors incensed malice both at once,*{Such was the extremitie of his state.}* was inforced to doe somewhat of himselfe to hold his Credytt which the Rebells because the State neglected him, Nay more her Majesties forces were sent to pursue him: To be shorte he undertooke to praye and spoyle the Naas upon a night when most parte of the Souldiers who laye in Garrison*{To regaine their opinion.}* were drawne fourth upon some service yet were there three hundred lefte to guard the towne, he entered with two hundredth tooke the praye of cattell out of the middest of the Towne some Fewe of the Souldyers and some ffewe of his men were slayne and (very much against his will) his followers fyred some fewe thatched houses; this was all this gentleman did in person which was only donne to save his lyfe*{little worth.}* and Credytt amongst the Traytors, to the end he might be the more able and readye to doe some spetiall good service;*{He had paide for his purpose els in plottinge the service afore mentioned.}* when a deputye should come before the traytors (whoe are very subtile) 

should fynde his dryfte.


That this intent was such the followinge may give testimony I had beene devysinge and with good deliberacion settinge downe a plot to drawe all the Traytors of Leinster to one head against a daye when her Majesties Army should have come unto my house.*{Another plott which approveth his to be so ment.}* The Couler was to have donne some service in Lease and thereabouts. This James Fitzpiers beinge therewith made acquainted and directed by me had gotten unto him to his Castle of Athye Oneye Macc Rorie that Captayne Rebel of Lease in polleyce (as it were) to withstand the Queenes Forces, who were to come that way verie stronglye, and thereupon it stood, the Rebells in hand to Contracte there power to resist, his Counsell was accepted. The place which was by me thought fyttest James had induced them to make choyces of where to fight with the Armye and the manner howe the fight should have been handled*{Thus farre that plott succeeded.}* 
{folio 28}
which (had it succeeded) should have cutt of at the leaste, a Thousand Rebells, espetially of the most notorious traytors Companyes which were sent from Tyrone as Tyrell and others.*{Then had it proved a good plott.}* 


*{The place of service}* The place for this execution should have benne the place *of* the traytors owne strength or fastnes: as they call yt, where (by the meanes I had devised) they should have soe benne engaged and in the girth, as by our footmen, cominge before them and our horsemen behinde them, the*y* should no way have escaped espetially the straungers those northern Traytors which were amongst them. But this plott succeeded not for by reason of the great store of Raigne that fell before; the Ryver of Barrowe did soe overflowe as the Armyes could not meete. And belike some nowe doubte or jelousye of James Fitzpiers his constancye unto them was risen in the Traytors imaginacion*{heare it failed by accident}*
*{and even that suspition made it distrusted.}* 
for Oneye Mac Rorye who had lyen with James but even the night before the two forces should have mett, did secretly steale from him and soe their power was dispearsed and they not easely to be found.


*{Though this fell not out I did other present good service.}* Nevertheless for approbacion of my owne loyaltye and true service (though this aforesaid sorted not to that Issue which by all covertures yt was likelye it should), yet this I effected which (howsoever it be commonly received all men who knowe Ireland will affirme to be good service viz I caused iiij principall men) who then stood out, whereof one was but in showe, but the other in deed) simply to come in unto the state, and submytt themselves to her Majesties mercye, namely James Fitzpiers, who delivered up the Castle of Athie, and all this other castles to her Majesties use.*{Four spetiall men who stood out came in by my meanes.}* Donough Spaniola, Brian Mac Donough Cavanagh and Walther Macc Edmond, Captain *of* Galliglasse and
{folio 29}
their submission was soe sincere as they have ever since done her Majestie good service.*{Soe they came in to some purpose.}* 


After this the forte in Lease was once more in greate distresse for want of victuals her Majesties Armye then in Mounster xl tie myles at leaste from thence, the men in the forte were 600 foote and 25 horsemen, yet durst not they once yusse forth to fetch their victualls which were left nere unto my house that as within viij myles of the same, but were ready to quytt the forte and leave it to the Enemye, I beinge then where the Queenes Armye was in Mounster I was called and the victuallinge of the said forte referred to my oune discretion and meanes, with promys (yf I should doe yt) to be well thought of for yt. To be shorte I undertooke to doe my good will, though 

*{For no man only assure it.}* absolutely I could assure nothinge for I had noe forces allowed me savinge xxx horses to guard me through my greatest enemye his Cuntry with which I adventured and came (I thanke God) safe home unto my house.*{I meane a private enemye.}* 


*{Garrans are horses for common use of plough, and carte and carridge.}* As soon as possible I could after my cominge home I caused iij xx *(30)* Garrans (which are the meanes sorte of horses used to ploughe and carridye etc) of my owne to carry victualls to that forte I provided alsoe Twelve beeves and (havinge all this in readynes)*{The Captaine Rebell there.}* I sent into Lease to Onye Macc Rorye to lett him knowe that I had taken upon me the victualing of the said forte, and therefore I wished him to looke carefulllye unto yt,*{This premptorie message was sent.}* that the said victualls should not be spoyled or intercepted by the waye, yf they were lett him looke to be serverely 
{folio 30}
prosecuted for yt, and never to fynde favour yf he weare taken or yf he did suffer his trayne of Confederate *of* Traytors to take yt, I would be Revenged, for I would make spetiall suyte that my service might be imployed upon him (as I wishe in deede it might be). And soe that instant service of victuallinge the Forte I would doe yt in dispight of him if he would not otherwise suffer the provisions to passe; for I had forces ready to Commaunde the safe Conducte thereof (which in truth I had not though I made that bragge) this message 

delivered by my man: Owney returned this aunswere that the victuals and the beafes should passe; safely to the forte, and because he would be sure yt should not be interrupted or spoyled by the straungers that were within, he himself would undertake to guard yt, and soe yt safely put into the forte which accordinge to his promise he performed.*{He did not this for love.}* 


*{This little service saved the Queene great charges.}* Thus did I with my owne pryvate servauntes victual that forte when the Commaund of my souldiers was taken from me, even as I had caused the same to be victualled before when I was prisoner at both which tymes yt *the fort* could not by force have benne Relieved under a thousand men at the leaste, for they were wont to use 2000*{my enemyes credit is so much better than myne.}* yet neither theres nor all my travayle and studdye in complottinge, strategems of great Consequences for her Highnes service could reobtayne me the Commaund of my souldiers whereby I might have donne her Majestie greater service.


*{Another good service donne by my meanes with few men.}* After this I tooke upon me to be guyde unto the then Marshall who with my viij hundredth men only entred (by my guydinge) a place in Lease called Slemarge which is the Cheifest place of the Traytors strength in all that Cuntrye. And before his going thither 
{folio 31}
he did victuall the aforesaid forte in Lease with that number of Eight hundredth souldiers where two thousand at the least were wont to be imployed.


*{The Rebells lost so much in 2 years before.}* In that journey to Slemarge the souldiors had the prayinge burninge and spoylinge of the Traytors to theire benefytt and the Marshall did in that journey more with those eight hundredth than that great Commaunder noted in the Discoverey ever did in two yeares before with Twoe Thousand, for he never went into those partes once to disquiet the traytors although the same be next adjoinyinge to his owne landes.*{A token, he never purposed their hurte.}* 


My place in those services was but to execute the office of a base person which was to be guyde to the souldyers of other men, myselfe not haveinge one man of my oune 

*{A signe of desire to service}* there in paye. And yet myselfe and James Fitzpiers had twoe hundredth of our owne pryvate servauntes and followers betwixt us there to assiste that service. In Revenge whereof the Traytors Mores*{which were not in paye.}* (I thank them) drew their forces together, prayed and tooke away all that I had in my absence.*{A man may lyve to repente.}* 


*{Modestie stayned by Injurye}* I could have beene contented (in modestie) to have concealed their services as I doe many other of myne which are of such spetialel ymportance; but that my enemyes doe presse soe upon mee with false Suggestions and untrue informations, some of them affirminge, that my affection is suche towardes Oneye Mac Rorye, the Cheife Commaunder of the Rebells the Moores of Lease as I would not willingly be 
{folio 32}
commaunded to serve againste him which slaunder yf my Actions before mencioned may not serve sufficiently to dispose lett my offer which (I protest to God and your Honour is zealous and unfayned).*{Yf passed service will not lett this present offer satisffye.}* Satisfye the worke and this yt is.


Yf I should be thought worthye of Imployment and to be enabled to followe him and his Adherentes yf I leave him and them until they shalbe slayne, bannyshed, or brought into Subjection and unfayned obedyence, or ells lose my lyfe in the prosecution. Then lett me loose my Credytt forever.*{And the same shallbe as readyly performed as proferred.}* 


For assurance hereof I appeale unto the testimonye of Sir William Russell who givinge me his honourable warrant and direction (he beinge Lord Deputye) whether I did them soe pursue and prosecute the principale*{A good witness of true service.}* 

Traytors in his province of Leinster as I did eyther staye expell them out of their Cuntrye or bringe them to obedience, yea and to doe her Majestie service yf yt were his Lordships pleasure.


*{This might be as well mistaken as the rest.}* Howsoever another peece of service of myne hath benne mistaken or misconstrued, which was my goinge into the North to the Arch Traytor Tyrone. Yet I knowe it was to great purpose, yf use be made thereof:*{Not done by deceipte but by direction.}* And for my owne defence I affirme for trueth that I went not without the knowlidge and licence of a Commaunder of good place the Marshall that then was; Duringe whose abode at my house I had intelligence that Certayne Messengers which came from Tyrone into Lease had reported that Tyrone was exceedinge desirous of speake with me havinge (as they said) 
{folio 33}
Matter of Importance to impart with me; whereof I shall make relation to the State, wherewith he would not truste any other person for feare of misreportinge*{Which caused that journey.}* his speeches nor commit the same to paper*{For there are such reportes.}* because his letters (as was supposed) were still sent into Spayne whereupon the Marshall sent me unto him.


*{A shrewde turne is soone bruted.}* As I was going thitherwards I heard newes of the overthrow of Sir Conyers Clifforde which put me to some doubte whether it were my best to goe forward to Tyrone or not for I imagined though he were peradventure well disposed before that base overthrowe of Sir Conyers the hearinge of that might happily alter his mynde, yet at the last I resolved (since I was cominge within one dayes journey of him)*{As his proude mynde may be inconstant.}* to goe on to know the reason of his desire to speake with 

me when I came unto him after he had welcomed me.*{One of Tyrone's discourses.}* He spake his mynde in divers matters first in Commendacion of his Savage slaves & discommendacon of our English souldyers,*{On mockery or scorne.}* who would so basely be beaten by them; next of the multitude of their Confederates and of how strongly he was to be assisted.*{A second bravinge discourse of Tyrones.}* Then what conditions he would the State should performe unto him els he would still goe on with his warres.*{A thirde Audacious speeche of the Traytor.}* Lastly he would perswade me to have been Advysed and ruled by him and made me many great offers;*{A fourth foolish offer in the light of his Arrogansye.}* to be Shorte his discourses were soe base and to soe vile *a* purpose as I was vexed at my harte to heare them,*{To conclude all his discourses were no beter.}* and cursed myself that ever I had knowe him because I found him quyte changed from his former disposition and possessed with insolencye and Arrogancye.*{His haughtie humor hath carried him beyond all honestie.}* 


But that which most of all grieved me 
{folio 34}
*{3 thinges specially grieved me and a 4th amazed me, being in bed with him}* were three thinges wherewith he acquainted mee lyinge in bed with him and a ffourth thinge which he shewed me in the morninge aftere we were upp.


*{1 thinge that greaved. Yt were good such intelligences were knowen.}* The first was that nothinge was determined against him in England (were it never so secret) but he had notice thereof as soone as the Lord deputye.


*{2 thinges: he had some frende there belike.}* The second was that he had the lyke intelligence what was donne at the Counsell table in Ireland.


*{3. I am partlie of his mynde.}* The third was that one great Lord of that Realme had as much neede of frendes as he hymself.


*{The 4th which amazed me because that business was but then in Question.}* The fourth which he shewed me in the morninge was a letter butt from whom he neither would tell me, nor suffer me to see the name of the wryter but the letter did importe the presente purpose of the State and how they had Resolved Immediately to prosecute him; These 

thinges were the more grrevious unto me because I was assured they were noe meane persons from whom he had all these intelligences.*{And who dares mistrust the mightie frend of Ireland.}* 


*{Another heavye wronge that I have undergon.}* Nowe for Conclusyson whereas I have benne thought somuch to affecte his person (though I doe hath his proceedings) as willingly I would not be employed in service against him and that even this last recyted Journye of myne hath benne aggravated against me beyond all Compasse, eyther of trueth or any of my purposes, I doe heare (all protestacions sett apart) in all humbleness make the same offer touchinge him that I have heartofore donne Concerning Onye Mac Rorye which is:*{And will be readye to performe that against both.}* 


*{At her Majesties and Your Honours pleasure.}* Yf I shallbe thought worthye of imployment into Ulster although my house doe stand in the middest of Leinster (as I have made often mention). And that I have there great meanes whereby to doe her Majestie good service,*{Often recited before.}* both against the Moores and 
{folio 35}
Conners of Lease and Ophaly and against those of the Glynnes in the Bernes Cuntry,*{I am fytted for them all havinge the prefixed portion of souldiers.}* and other places in that province yet (as I say) yf I shalbe thought worthye and inabled with Credytt and meanes to prosecute service against that Archtraytor Tyrone. I will (by God's helpe) undertake not only the settinge of all those*{If others refused and I Commaunded.}* borderinge garrysons by mee sett downe in the treatise of Recoverye in dispyte of him, and all the great Traytors his Confederates (yea and that in convenient tyme) yf my poore Counsell may be allowed therein (but I will by God's assistance) followe the warres upon him in such sorte as I will eyether take him, expell him, kill him, or inforce him to submytt himselfe to her Majesties mercye,*{Which of these both shall best please her Majestie and your Honor.}* or to bringe him in, soe as he may have her Highnes warrant to come and goe safe: which I suppose would be good service, for soe might hee happily Reveale matter of great consequence for the good of both the Kingdomes of England and Ireland.*{Lett him chase soe we had hym.}* The performances hereof must stand upon the number and meanes of my inablinge, and the Credytt whearein I 

shalbe used and employed and yf these twoe fayle me not yf I fayle in the accomplishment of these service or Cheifest of them, or ells loose my lyfe in the prosecution then lett my lyfe awnswere my defaultes in another kynde.*{Who offers more can hardlye performe yt.}* 


*{The last accion to be defended in this Apologie in writinge}* The last of my accions, which at this tyme I purpose to defende (by this poore Rude appologye) is my writinge whereunto (yt may be) some exceptions wilbe taken.*{Objection.}* Sayinge that I doe wryte over sharpely or slaunderously of the great Commaunders, officers and Captaynes of Irelande whereunto I awnswere,*{Aunswere.}* yf I should wryte otherwise than I doe,*{And that were not convenient}* I should abuse Your honour and wronge myselfe by utteringe an untruth. Or yf I should wryte more sparinglye of those who deserve a vehement reprehention I should seeme dishonest in smotheringe up their enormityes.*{and yet were partialitie}* 


{folio 36}Besydes it would not incense her Majestie nor incite your Honours to inflict punishment upon the deservers,*{It would be too dull to move.}* be yt they or myselfe. But wrytinge as I doe her Highnes may (in Justice) make an example of one of us yf I slander them I deserve punnyshment, if I wryte but the trueth it is pitty to spare the greatest offendor be he never soe great a personage.*{It standeth all upon the tryalle which I desire to be speedye.}* Therein shall her Majesties greatnes and Justice be both seene at once and the example will doe more good in Ireland then a great number of Souldiers sent against the base and savage Rebells.


Againe though I have without vaunte doune manye respective services with my travell and my worde,*{Though it be rude yet it is right}* yet this delivered with my penne, is (by many degrees) above them all, espetially yf that wretched land might yet be soe happye,*{I feare it be not.}* as that God would be pleased Her Majesties and your Honours of her Counsell should vouchsafe in favour to respecte these poore 

Indevours of my wrytinge. Then should Ireland be right happye and England should taste the benefyte of her peace.


Yf Your Honour shall not be satisfied by this my Apologie that all my speeches, wrytinges and other accions, yea and my uttermost indevours have not allways tended to the true service of Her Majestie and my Cuntrye. And that I have done nothinge but that all other well deservinge servitors have and needes must doe;*{If all this will not suffice to satisfye then this is my petition.}* Then lett me humblie intreate you that letters may be sent to the Lord Deputye to Commaund him to send strict Commission unto those Countyes (of Leinster) where my service hath benne most imployed, by the space of Twentie yeares gevinge expresse order and Authoritye to the Sherifes to examine the best gentlemen 
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and other of the said Countrie upon their oaths to deliver their knowlidge and opinions in theis poyntes followinge.*{Or yf any other meanes may thoroughly sift me I desire yt.}* 


*{The 1 *first* Interrogation to trie me.}* First whether I myselfe have bene an extortioner or geven my officers and Souldiers under my charge libertye or Countenaunce or sufferaunce (to my knowlidge) to extorte any thinge from any good Subjecte.


*{The Second, The Third, The fourth, The fifth, The sixth}* Wheather I have beene a mayntayner or incorager of Traytors; and theeves in any of their pernitious actions, but whether I have not donne Justice to any of Her Highnes good subjectes when they have Complayned, or have beene a winker at stealtherers or receivers of stolen goodes at any time, a Taker of brybes eyther in one respecte or other. 

Or yf I either did take uppon mee the prosecution of any Traytors, and did not performe good service.*{the seventh.}* Or whether I have suffered any subjectes to sustayne losse or injurye and have not (to my uttermost power) sought redress and remedye. Yea though I were not commaunded or required thereunto. If I be found guiltye in any of the aforesaid crymes or blame worthye for neglectinge anye of these good offices heare mentioned.*{A liberall offer made by free Innocence}* Then without all favour or regarde lett me be overthrown in Credytt and reputacion forever.*{as my Conscience knoweth I am}* But yf I stand cleared of all this then I trust your Honour wilbe a meane that my Credytt may with her Majestie in some sorte be repaired. That my enemyes to their griefe maye knowe and my injuries have benne 
comforte may knowe, that my iniuries have benne to*o* manye and to manyfeste.*{which without any merit of myne Justice itselfe will afforde.}* 


{folio 38}*{A reasonable petition.}* Howsoever it shall fall out, my humble earnest desyre is to be brought in question and try all by Justice of lawe, that yf I have well merited, I may be well esteemed, yf otherwise that I may paye the pryce of my trespass with my liefe for yt shalbe a thousand tymes lesse griefe*{The worlde is full of variable opinions.}* to me to suffer death than to lyfe in the worlde in this disgraceful maner. And yf your Honour wilbe the good meane to effect one of these for me I shall ever rest yours humbly devoted in love and faithfull service.


Certaine matters of spetiall moment doe yet remayne to be handled which the shortnes of the tyme and your Honours longe expectacion of this homelye discourse doe abridge*{A matter worth hearinge.}* namelye nowe one thousand footemen may doe her Majestie better service than three thousand are nowe able to performe and yet all one chardge unto Her 

Highnes and every noble man, gentleman, and other of the better sorte,*{Not soe strange as trewe.}* shall herewith bee encouraged to sett up their restes and engage their estates to followe that Course of warre whereunto they must for their own benefitt (in some sorte) be imposed and the same beinge by them once undertaken they must of necessitye doe her Majestie great service.*{And they will not be unwillinge.}* 


*{In the recoverrye and the people be readie to performe it.}* And whereas I have sett doune meanes how to hold all Ireland in order and obedience (after the same shalbe reformed) without chardge to her Majestie. So would I in lyke sorte yf eyther tyme would permytt or Your Honor encourage or Commaund me, take upon me to sett downe such assured meanes as I would be allwayes readye to performe for the recovery of two partes of Leynster, the one without chardge, and the other with small chardge, and prefixe a tyme Certayne for the performance.*{If any man have offered the lyke then this cometh to*o* late; yf not I will performe this.}* By which meanes I would undertake to put way English gentlemen nowe expulsed by the Rebells out of Lease into his owne dwellinge. 
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And this with a small chardge.


*{I thinke fewe will offer this and performe yt as I will.}* The other without Chardge, shalbe to prosecute the Mountayne Traytors the sonnes of Fewh Macc Hugh and other the partakers in the Bernes Cuntrye which will ease the expence of xij Thousand pounds by the yeare, wherewith her Majestie is nowe chardged for the prosecution of those Rebells and their complices, which chardge is like*lye* to continue very longe, unless this Course shall happen by me to be undertaken.*{12000 li. yearly charge to the Queene to be saved by yt.}* For I doe and may confidently avouche yt that noe man in Ireland (Lord or other) hath the like meanes that I have for that service.*{The reason I may best offer yt, and effect yt.}* 


*{Suche cannot be honest}* For the final Conclusion of this whole booke and all matters therein Contayned because I would not thought or termed a libeller or a wryter of letters that will 

desire to have them kept secrett for that I would not be willingely knowne. Or such a one as shall suggest matters of Importance against any man and would not be supposed the Avoucher thereof, to shun all those Tytles and termes of scandall and slaunder.*{which were cowardly slaunder}* I am hereunto willingly subscribe my name, as he who is moste readye to prove and approve any matter therein mencioned*{In token they are trewe.}* and as readye to adventure my lyfe for performance of any of those Actions, for service by me heare sett downe,*{Because I dare and knowe howe.}* upon any Traytor whatsoever, espetially against that greatest and most pernitious Traytor Tyrone;*{For the love I bare to him.}* and so Cravinge pardon for the wronges of the plot and rudeness of the styles I take humble Leave.[7](javascript:footNote('E590001-005/note007.html'))












